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The Crusade against Discrimination in Britain Part 3Continued from Part 2
The Thatcher YearsFollowing the previous “Winter of Discontent’ when incessant strikes and general economic gloom made everyone’s life a misery it was no surprise that the tired and discredited Labour regime were turfed out and replaced by Margaret Thatcher’s Conservatives in the 1979 general election. Race and immigration did feature to an extent in the election, or at least in the run-up to it when Thatcher made her notorious ‘swamping’ comments on Granada TV’s World in Action programme. Few now doubt that this was a cynical ploy to siphon off anti-immigration supporters who might otherwise have gone to the National Front, and an early effort at ‘dog whistle’ politics aimed at ‘Middle England’. The election manifesto did contain some fairly robust language about immigration controls (we’ll be looking closely at immigration policy promises and actual outcomes in another, forthcoming thread) but nothing at all about race relations. In retrospect and in comparison to the frenetic activity during the ten years to 1986 there is relatively little to report in the field of new race relations legislation during the Thatcher and Major eras. Randall Hansen’s comment that “Having a Labour government in place appears to be a necessary condition for the passage of race legislation” appears largely, but not entirely, correct. It’s certainly the case that Thatcher made no attempt to roll back the existing legislation, instead it was extended in some surprising new directions . Per Hansen, no government has ever considered repeal of the Acts and he notes that the RRA76 is one of the very few policies that had earlier bipartisan support to survive Thatcherism. So if the field of race relations legislation as such was during the period comparatively quiescent and uneventful compared to what had gone before, the same cannot be said of the matter of race relations itself. Violent race riots, which broke out in late 1979 in Southall and April 1980 in Bristol were replicated in several other towns and cities over the next several years. These what the Scarman report primly termed ‘disorders’ formed a principal motivation for the most important piece of race-related legislation enacted during the Thatcher era, the …
The Public Order Act of 1986The period between 1979 and 1985 was a particularly active time for social disruptions of various types, involving not just ethnic minorities but also striking miners and anarchic ‘travellers’. The 1980 Bristol riots were followed by even more serious disturbances in 1981 in ethnic areas such as Brixton, Toxteth in Liverpool, Moss Side in Manchester, Chapeltown in Leeds and Handsworth in Birmingham. In 1985 there again occurred serious racially-oriented disturbances this time in Peckham and Hackney, and again in Handsworth and Brixton. Racial insurrection on this scale was unprecedented in Britain and the authorities were shocked at the ferocity of the violence, as were the public who saw terrible images of ‘American style’ mayhem and destruction repeated nightly on the TV news. The report of the official inquiry by Lord Scarman into the 1981 riots predictably placed the blame on ‘racial disadvantage and discrimination’, and insensitive policing, and called for ‘urgent action’ (i.e. financial subsidies) to solve the problems of economic decline and unemployment in inner-city areas with high immigrant populations. Home Secretary William Whitelaw claimed that the disturbances in Brixton and Toxteth were not race riots as such, but rather an extreme form of opportunistic criminality fuelled by social disadvantage. No commentary was offered on the very localised nature of the riots, nor on the ethnic origins of the perpetrators. In presenting the new Public Order Bill to Parliament in January 1986 Home Secretary Douglas Hurd stated that he wanted to make it clear that “… the Bill was not cobbled together in hasty reaction to last autumn’s riots”, but instead that the 50 year-old Act was overdue for an overhaul anyway. There seems little question, however, that the existing Public Order Act as well as the older common law offences of unlawful assembly, affray and violent disorder were totally inadequate to deal with outbreaks of third-world savagery on the scale experienced in Brixton and Toxteth. The POA had been rejigged in 1968 and 1976 to serve in the interest of fighting discrimination, but the tinkerers had obviously lost sight of the original intended function of the Act, which was to deal with serious breaches of the peace and not just injured feelings. ‘Rivers of Blood’ had fallen on deaf ears. The new Bill was to define a new offence of riot which now carried a jail sentence of up to ten years, as well as strengthened provisions against affray, violent disorder and a new offence of harassment. A new section was added to deal with football hooliganism, which had taken a very ominous turn with the Heysel disaster in 1985. However, for our present purposes it is Part III of the Bill, that dealing with ‘Racial Hatred’ that is of most relevance. During the drafting of the Bill it became clear that many of the souped-up ‘law and order’ measures being proposed would run into resistance from not just Labour, but also from the nascent human rights industry, on the grounds that civil liberties were being degraded. Everyone knew that the principal target of the Bill was the increasing lawlessness and violent behaviour of the coloured population, even if they were not prepared to admit so publically. As a quid pro quo to mollify the opposition, the government elected to enhance and extend the scope of the sanctions against racial incitement. The decision was made to remove the incitement provisions from the Race Relations Act and concentrate them in the new Public Order Act. The Bill called for the repeal of s.70 of the RRA76 and for its replacement by the new Part III of the Public Order Act. The changes proposed were in fact far wider-ranging than Home Secretary Hurd’s rather casual summary to the House sought to imply:
It might be useful to first review the provisions against incitement as implemented in the RRA76 before considering the changes in detail. Section 70 defined the offence (in abbreviated form) as follows: • The publication or distribution of written matter, or the use in any public place or at any public meeting of words, which threatening, abusive or insulting in a case where, having regard to all the circumstances, hatred is likely to be stirred up against any racial group in Great Britain by the matter or words in question. • A person guilty of an offence under this section shall be liable on summary conviction, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding six months or to a fine not exceeding £400, or both ; or, on conviction on indictment, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years or to a fine, or both; • No prosecution for such an offence shall be instituted in England and Wales except by or with the consent of the Attorney General. So that was the starting point - writings or public statements likely to stir up racial hated were prohibited.
The Bill in ParliamentWhile the proceedings in the Commons were uneventful, being largely distinguished by the nasal brayings of oleaginous chancer, Paole Zion stalwart and shadow Home Secretary Gerald Kaufman, who together with close allies David Winnick and Alex Carlile (more on him later) spent much time bemoaning the ‘undermining of traditional civil liberties’, things got more interesting in the Lords. The government spokesman there was the 4th Baron Glenarthur, and it was he, with some prompting from their Lordships, who would shed some much needed additional light on the rationale for the new racial hatred provisions over which the Home Secretary had passed so lightly. The new Act was to include 12 discrete sections dealing with racial hatred (the RRA76 had just one), organised as follows: • s. 17: Meaning of “racial hatred” – Unchanged, the meaning of the term “hatred” is still left obscure. However see also Mandla v Dowell-Lee, below, for coomments on the definition of ‘racial group’. • s. 18: Use of words or behaviour or display of written material – This concerns display, as in banners, placards, posters and signage as opposed to printed matter, so in that sense this is a new addition. Also new and very radical was that the extension of the offence from public spaces to private ones as well. The only exception was when the act was commited in a private dwelling, and then only if the words, behaviour or display could not be heard or seen by anyone outside. The possibility of malicious or provocative eavesdropping or surveillance is not mentioned. It also begs the question: why not exempt a person’s office too, or in their club too, if there were no-one present who would object and there were no threat to public order? Also new in this section is the authority given to a police officer to arrest anyone without warrant whom he reasonably suspects of having committed an offence under this section. Another change from the RRA76 which was, on the face of it quite bizarre, was the reinstatement of the intention to stir up racial hatred as an offence. Now, however, it was an option rather than a requirement. A person could be convicted in the event that he either had the intention to stir up hatred, or that hatred was likely to be stirred up. The explanation given in the Lords for this change is that much racialist material that is threatening, abusive or insulting is not likely to stir up racial hatred in a normal, sensible person (like an MP, for example) but, if it was in fact the intention of the person responsible to do just that, then he should not be permitted to get away with it just because hatred wasn’t actually stirred up. • s. 19: Publishing or distributing written material - Unchanged from the RRA76 version, except for the reinstatement of the ‘intention’ provision. • s. 20: Public performance of play - A new addition which applies to the presenters and directors of plays intended for public performance. As before, a prosecution can proceed on either the intention or the likelihood of racial hatred being stirred up. • s. 21: Distributing, showing or playing a recording - Similar to s. 20, except directed towards ‘recorded visual images and sounds’. • s. 22: Broadcasting or including programme in cable programme service - Again, similar to s. 20, but directed towards broadcast media. • s. 23: Possession of racially inflammatory material - A new and extremely important addition which makes it an offence to possess such material with a view to it being displayed, published, distributed, shown or broadcast. The terms display, publish and distribute are left undefined. • s. 24: Powers of entry and search – New. On securing a warrant from a JP or magistrate a police officer with reasonable grounds for suspecting that a person has material in his possession which contravenes s. 23 may enter and search that person’s premises, and may use reasonable force in doing so. • s. 25: Power to order forfeiture - New. On conviction a court may order that any material which has been shown to contravene ss. 18-23 may be forfeited. • s. 26: Savings for reports of parliamentary or judicial proceedings – Existing exemptions provided for in the RRA76. • s. 27: Procedure and punishment - The new element here is the requirement when sentencing that each charge brought under ss. 18-23 will count as a separate offence. • s. 28: Offences by corporations - New. ‘Piercing the corporate veil’. In its zeal to eradicate the evil of racial hatred the Conservatives had managed to outdo even the anti-racist zealots in the Labour Party. That it should have fallen to a Conservative government, trading on its law-‘n’-order credentials, to enact repressive measures of such an Orwellian character would have been literally incredible to Winston Churchill. Not that Thatcher’s government was at all reticent about their achievement. Government spokesmen in the Lords put it this way:
Such opposition as did arise was confined to the Kaufman claque in the Commons, bleating incessantly about the new powers being given to the police to quell urban rioters while ignoring entirely the continuing onslaught on traditional English freedoms represented by Part III. The dissenters from ’76 were also absent – Powell was soon to retire from politics, Bell had already gone– and those remaining as a man voted the party line. The few dissenting voices were heard in the Lords, and then from hereditary peers who had no fear of retribution from the party whips. Little wonder that one of the first priorities for the Blair regime would be to cull their ranks and to replace them with NuLabor’s multihued placepersons, including not a few benefactors of the Mosaic faith. The POA86 remains on the statute book today and still forms the principal means of stifling dissent and suppressing serious discussion on the issues of race and immigration. It was substantially expanded in 2006 to include the offence of incitement to religious hatred, as we will be discussing later. There have been a number of high-profile casualties of the Act. While leader of the BNP, John Tyndall was sentenced to 12 months imprisonment in 1986 for incitement to racial hatred in connection with various articles he had written for the Spearhead magazine advocating forced repatriation of coloured people. At around the same time, John Morse editor of The British Nationalist was jailed for the same offence. Another celebrated case was the Dowager Lady Jane Birdwood, a ‘veteran anti-semite’, who was prosecuted not once but twice under the Act. In 1991 and 1994 she was convicted of publishing anti-semitic material and received a suspended sentence each time. Had she not been as close a figure to the establishment as she was the sentences would no doubt have been much harsher. A variety of other, smaller fry were snared in the net before the next big catch was landed. In 1998 Nick Griffin was prosecuted in connection with articles that had appeared in the BNP periodical The Rune proclaiming, amongst things, that he was “…well aware that the orthodox opinion is that six million Jews were gassed and cremated and turned into lampshades. Orthodox opinion also once held that the world is flat ... I have reached the conclusion that the ‘extermination’ tale is a mixture of Allied wartime propaganda, extremely profitable lie, and latter-day witch-hysteria.” The initial complaint against Griffin had been brought by his local MP, Alex Carlile, who Griffin described as “…this bloody Jew… whose only claim is that his grandparents died in the Holocaust.” Griffin was sentenced to six months in jail, suspended for two years. In 2004 he was again prosecuted under the Act, along with Mark Collett, for remarks made at a private BNP meeting that was secretly filmed by the BBC and passed on to the police. John Tyndall was also prosecuted at around the same time for a speech he made at a BNP meeting in Burnley in which he, amongst other proscribed utterances, continually referred to former Tory Home Secretary Michael Howard by his original family name of ‘Hecht’. Griffin and Collett were eventually acquitted of all charges, albeit after a second trial., Tyndall however died before his case came to trial. Most recently there was the case of the so-called ‘Heretical Two’, Simon Sheppard and Stephen Whittle who dramatically fled to the US in 2008 to claim political asylum. They were returned to Britain and sentenced to four and a half years and twenty-eight months, respectively. Further MR commentary on the H2 case can be found here. The implications of the application of the POA86 to internet discourse should be quite chilling for anyone who frequents sites such as this one. An interesting and little remarked-on aspect of the incitement cases brought since 1986 is that many of them revolve around charges of anti-semitism and/or Holocaust denial. How can that be possible in a country where Jews are not commonly held to be a racial group and, unlike other places in Europe, successive governments have consistently turned down appeals for Holocaust denial to be criminalised? The answer to the second appears to be that the POA86 renders such laws redundant, but what about the status of Jews as a racial group? How did that come about when so many Jews seem anxious to deny it? That leads us into the following …
Mandla v Dowell-LeeThe heading refers to a 1983 ruling in the House of Lords in the famous case of the ‘Sikh schoolboy’s turban’ (sounds like one Rumpole might have taken on). This concerned whether Sikhs formed a distinct racial group (in addition to being a religious one) for the purposes of the Race Relations Act. The Lords ruled that they did, with Lord Fraser summing up as follows:
This ruling did not go unnoticed by the Board of Deputies nor indeed by the BNP, the latter citing the case in defining their (present) criteria for membership. The Mandla v Dowell-Lee ruling became the standard legal criteria for deciding whether any particular population group formed a racial group for the purposes of the Act and subsequent case law confirmed that both Jews and Roma met the requirements, whereas Muslims (and Christians) do not. In giving evidence to the Commons Select Committee on Religious Offences in 2002 the Board of Deputies was at pains to emphasise both its credentials as the official representative of the entire Jewish community as well as the status of Jews as a ‘distinct racial group’.
Other legislationAlthough the POA86 remains the Jewel in the Crown as far as Thatcher-era race legislation is concerned, there were other laws introduced which also had a racial complexion. The first of these was the Football (Offences) Act of 1991. Margaret Thatcher seemed to have it in for football fans just as Tony Blair later had it in for those who like fox-hunting. The POA86 already contained fairly harsh provisions intended to combat hooliganism generally, but that did not provide any protections against a new scourge – racialist chants and abuse during matches themselves. English football supporters have long prided themselves on identifying undesirable traits in their opponents, and composing amusing (and often insulting) ditties to highlight them. Black players were still quite rare in English football in the late 80s, and Asian players were non-existent, so it was only natural that when they did start to appear at more and more grounds fans took notice and took steps to include them and their perceived deficiencies in their taunts. This was too much for the powers that be. It was one thing to call an opposing fan a “Scouse granny-stabber” but something totally different to be call someone a “fat black git”, or to bawl out “The Spurs are their way to Auschwitz” (instead of Wembley). The 1991 Act prohibited ‘racialist chanting’ by two or more people, and an offence was deemed to have been committed even when the chanting “…was not within the sight or hearing of a person likely to be caused harassment, alarm or distress.” In later legislation the prohibition was extended to cover racial abuse by individual soloists. Another piece of legislation enacted was the Race Relations (Remedies) Act of 1994. One of the continuing bones of contention on the part of the CRE was that the levels of compensation payable in racial discrimination cases were much too low. The problem, as perceived by the CRE and others, was that the level of the awards were limited by the amounts that the respective tribunals or the county court could levy by statute. This did not provide the deterrent effect or salutary retribution that the CRE wished for and so this Act removed those limits for racial discrimination awards only, and also allowed interest to be applied backdated to the time of the original offence. With that we reach the end of the Thatcher era, and now pass on into the period of New Labour. To continue with Part 4 Posted by Dan Dare on Friday, November 6, 2009 at 11:15 PM in Crusade against Discrimination in Britain Comments:Posted by jrackell on November 07, 2009, 12:08 AM | # I get a strange feeling of Alice in Wonderland reading this article, that the law is whatever the Establishment wants it to mean. In New York, if a man was watching a woman undress in an open window he was guilty of voyeurism. If a woman was watching a man in the same circumstance, the man was guilty of exhibitionism. So Moslems can hold placards saying Death to the West or Kill the Pope but if we get offended and riot then we are locked under public order offenses just because an MP is so darned civilized nothing offends him. For us to get offended is racist. But even discussing our own ensuing dispossession is bound to offend someone and make us guilty in the eyes of the law. Now, why do Anglo Saxons revere the law so much? I think Sean Gabb was dead on right that Maggie Thatcher was a disaster for Britain and for British liberty because she made the whole corporate welfare state work, whereas it would have imploded under another Labor Government. Posted by Fred Scrooby on November 07, 2009, 12:47 AM | # Congratulations to Dan Dare on preparing (and to Guessedworker on publishing) yet another outstanding piece of internet journalism, reporting of highest quality. Posted by Robert Reis on November 08, 2009, 06:00 AM | # Italy: Lighter Sentence for Murderer With ‘Bad Genes’ Italian court reduces jail term after tests identify genes linked to violent behaviour. A court in Italy has cut a prisoner’s jail term because he has genes associated with aggressive behaviour.Ingram PublishingAn Italian court has cut the sentence given to a convicted murderer by a year because he has genes linked to violent behaviour — the first time that behavioural genetics has affected a sentence passed by a European court. But researchers contacted by Nature have questioned whether the decision was based on sound science. Abdelmalek Bayout, an Algerian citizen who has lived in Italy since 1993, admitted in 2007 to stabbing and killing Walter Felipe Novoa Perez on 10 March. Perez, a Colombian living in Italy, had, according to Bayout’s testimony, insulted him over the kohl eye make-up the Algerian was wearing. Bayout, a Muslim, claims he wore the make-up for religious reasons. During the trial, Bayout’s lawyer, Tania Cattarossi, asked the court to take into account that her client may have been mentally ill at the time of the murder. After considering three psychiatric reports, the judge, Paolo Alessio Vernì, partially agreed that Bayout’s psychiatric illness was a mitigating factor and sentenced him to 9 years and 2 months in prison — around three years less than Bayout would have received had he been deemed to be of sound mind. But at an appeal hearing in May this year, Pier Valerio Reinotti, a judge of the Court of Appeal in Trieste, asked forensic scientists for a new independent psychiatric report to decide whether he should commute the sentence further. For the new report, Pietro Pietrini, a molecular neuroscientist at Italy’s University of Pisa, and Giuseppe Sartori, a cognitive neuroscientist at the University of Padova, conducted a series of tests and found abnormalities in brain-imaging scans and in five genes that have been linked to violent behaviour — including the gene encoding the neurotransmitter-metabolizing enzyme monoamine oxidase A (MAOA). A 2002 study led by Terrie Moffitt, a geneticist at the Institute of Psychiatry, King’s College, London, had found low levels of MAOA expression to be associated with aggressiveness and criminal conduct of young boys raised in abusive environments1. In the report, Pietrini and Sartori concluded that Bayout’s genes would make him more prone to behaving violently if provoked. “There’s increasing evidence that some genes together with a particular environmental insult may predispose people to certain behaviour,” says Pietrini. On the basis of the genetic tests, Judge Reinotti docked a further year off the defendant’s sentence, arguing that the defendant’s genes “would make him particularly aggressive in stressful situations”. Giving his verdict, Reinotti said he had found the MAOA evidence particularly compelling. Reinotti made the decision in September, but the case only came to light a month later when the local paper MessaggeroVeneto reported the story. Weighing up the evidence But forensic scientists and geneticists contacted by Nature question whether the scientific evidence supports the conclusions reached in the psychiatric report presented to Judge Reinotti. “We don’t know how the whole genome functions and the [possible] protective effects of other genes,” says Giuseppe Novelli, a forensic scientist and geneticist at the University Tor Vergata in Rome. Tests for single genes such as MAOA are “useless and expensive”, he adds. One problem is that the effects of the MAOA gene are known to vary between different ethnic groups, Moffit says. A 2006 study in the United States found that former victims of child abuse with high levels of MAOA were less likely to commit violent crimes — but only if they were white. The effect was not evident in non-white children2. “If the defendant has any African ancestry, this could bring up a question of how well the genotype of that particular gene could relate to his personal behaviour,” Moffitt says. Pietrini and Sartori, however, did not test Bayout for his ethnicity. “The ethnicity of the defendant is irrelevant” in this case, Pietrini told Nature. He argues that the defendent does not belong to any of the non-white ethnic groups considered in the 2006 study. “Besides, MAOA is just one of the candidate genes we analysed,” he added. Other genes, such as those that encode the serotonin transporter, have also been linked to different reactions to stress. But these also show a large degree of dependence on environmental factors. “The point is that behavioural genetics is not there yet, we cannot explain individual behaviour, only large population statistics,” says Nita Farahany of Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, who specializes in the legal and ethical issues arising from behavioural genetics and neuroscience. Cattarossi argues that all evidence that has a bearing on her client’s mental health should be considered by the court. “My client is clearly an ill person and everything that allows the judge to better evaluate the case and to decide the right sentence should be investigated,” she says. Since the 1994 Stephen Mobley case in the United States — the first case in the world in which the defence asked to have their client tested for MAOA deficiency — lawyers have increasingly been trying to bring MAOA deficits and similar genetic evidence into courtrooms worldwide. According to Farahany, who updates a personal database on sentences passed in the United States, in the past five years there have been at least 200 cases where lawyers have attempted to use genetic evidence to support the idea their clients’ were predisposed to violent behaviour, depression or drug or alcohol abuse. In Britain, there have been at least 20 such cases in the past five years. Up to now most such efforts have been unsuccessful in court — although a few have influenced sentencing in the United States. Judges have tended to reject the idea that a person has no control over their choices because of their genes, says Farahany. Some fear that such cases could lead to the acceptance of genetic determinism — the idea that genes determine the behaviour of an organism — in criminal cases. “90% of all murders are committed by people with a Y chromosome — males. Should we always give males a shorter sentence?” says Steve Jones, a geneticist at University College London. “I have low MAOA activity but I don’t go around attacking people.” Farahany points out that prosecutors could use the same genetic evidence to argue for tougher sentences by suggesting people with such genes are inherently ‘bad’. “The question is where do you stop,” Jones adds. — Hat tip: Nilk http://gatesofvienna.blogspot.com/2009/11/gates-of-vienna-news-feed-1172009.html#33636 Posted by Frank on November 08, 2009, 08:08 AM | # Having bad genes might excuse a person somewhat, but that only makes them more of a threat to society. The purpose of prison is largely to separate a dangerous person from the rest of society - same with the death penalty. Other parts are to prevent vigilante behaviour and to symbolically link certain crimes with a sense of wrongness, but the chief reason is to prevent harm to society from the dangerous perp. Posted by Frank on November 08, 2009, 08:10 AM | # IOW: poor genes ought to lengthen a sentence if anything. Posted by Wandrin on November 08, 2009, 10:48 AM | #
ditto Posted by Robert Reis on November 09, 2009, 12:50 PM | # http://marwinsing-marwinsing.blogspot.com/2009/11/spot-european-in-this-advert-and-win.html Posted by Al Ross on November 10, 2009, 09:27 AM | # Robert Reis posted a link which, in the matter of blame for White decline, includes the words “Gee thanks Jesus”. Mythological creatures should not be held accountable for the conduct of human affairs and, even if that Jerusalem - born third of Yahweh existed, the ruinously egalitarian message disseminated by his derivative vapourings was surely not intended for the Chinese or Indians who, sadly, look likely to provide a neo - Brahmin caste for the US of the next century. Posted by fellist on November 10, 2009, 03:13 PM | # Great series of posts, Dan. It’s very useful to have a comprehensive history of our freedoms’ theft.
I recently read a book about WWII propaganda and found that you can trace these trends back at least to the methods used to manage our response to the presence of Black American servicemen during that war. I posted some excerpts here: http://songlight-for-dawn.blogspot.com/2009/10/morale-and-morale-busting.html Posted by Desmond Jones on November 10, 2009, 06:22 PM | #
This century looks like the last century, Al. Nordics and Jews, kinda reminiscent of the Old South. Verbal IQ rules.
http://racehist.blogspot.com/2009/10/2009-forbes-400-by-ethnic-origins.html Posted by Dan Dare on November 10, 2009, 10:37 PM | # I was remiss in not including the ‘RVF Five’ among the prominent casualties of the POA86. This was the 2005 case in which five members of the Combat 18 spin-off the Racial Volunteer Force were convicted of incitement to racial hatred and jailed in connection with the “Stormer” magazine. A sixth person, Kevin Quinn, was convicted for possession of Jane Birdwood’s abovementioned pamphlet The Longest Hatred. Caution with this one, it is now banned in the UK. The RVF website contains interviews with the alleged leader of the British arm of the RVF, Mark Atkinson, whilst he was in jail. It’s hard not to admire his guts if not his ideology. Posted by danielj on November 11, 2009, 12:25 AM | # This century looks like the last century, Al. Nordics and Jews, kinda reminiscent of the Old South. Verbal IQ rules. Yeah, but the 400 ain’t really important to me or my family and certainly not representative of society at large. Why are James’ programming colleagues up shit creek if the Nords are doing so great? Posted by Al Ross on November 11, 2009, 01:20 AM | # Perhaps so, Desmond. In the meantime the UK’s Methodist Church has clarified its stance on White race replacement by passing a resolution which bans any member of that denomination from becoming a member of the BNP. Posted by Fred Scrooby on November 11, 2009, 11:16 PM | # Not about Britain but the process is exactly identical: A snapshot of the Dutch race-replacement process advancing right on schedule (Holland is around the half-way mark now in that process: another half to go in this inexorable Marxo-Capitalist process before the country traditionally known as Holland will be totally non-white) (of course hopeless cases like Fjordman don’t care about that, and it’s “Nazi” to notice white and non-white. Only the fascists of this world care about that. The enlightened, like Fjordman, care only about “Islam,” so a Holland one hundred percent filled with Catholic Cameroonians and not a Dutchman anywhere to be seen is fine):
Posted by Fred Scrooby on November 14, 2009, 12:42 AM | # Signs of intelligent life in Denmark — highly intelligent ….. as intelligent as life comes, in fact — it doesn’t get any more intelligent than this …………….
Read the whole article, http://bnp.org.uk/2009/11/danish-government-adopts-bnp’s-voluntary-repatriation-policy/ , and then break out the champagne, whiskey, or whatever is your drink, and raise a glass in a toast to brave little Denmark, to its good queen, Margaret, and most of all, to the Great and Good Danish People’s Party! Let this be but the beginning! Properly done, and not abandoned in mid-stream (as similar efforts have been before in France, Jewrmany, and elsewhere) it will be, just the beginning, and Denmark could become the first country in the Eurosphere to demographically detoxify its bloodstream, turn the clock back to 1955, and get on with the future that awaited it before it was attacked and threatened with extinction! Long live brave, good Denmark! Posted by Dan Dare on November 14, 2009, 01:32 AM | # The BNP is being a little disingenuous in claiming credit for the idea of a voluntary repatriation programme since such a facility has been part of British immigration law for almost forty years. The 1971 Immigration Act, which is still in force, empowers the Home Secretary to make financial grants to immigrants who wish to return voluntarily to their ancestral homeland. It’s been quietly forgotten about but it’s still there, ready and waiting for a government with the political will to make use of it. Posted by Al Ross on November 14, 2009, 03:40 AM | # Kudos to the Danes. I fear, however, that, with the new European treaty which the Irish recently approved, the Third World venerating EU might find a way to supercede such laws as permit repatriation of the unwanted interlopers. The recent Obama decision to admit diseased, AIDS - spreading immigrants, combined with potentially fatal, media exhortations to miscegenate with Blacks must be a tempting proposition for EU emulation. Posted by Fred Scrooby on November 17, 2009, 01:35 AM | # Now Ireland’s doing what Denmark is: humanely repatriating non-whites using financial incentives: http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/nov/15/ireland-pay-immigrants-go-home . (Hat tip: http://blog.vdare.com/archives/2009/11/16/republic-of-ireland-paying-non-eu-immigrants-to-go-home/ ) See? They know exactly what to do and they can do it when they want. Everything else is a fucking lie. If they’re not doing it to the hilt right now it’s because they god damn well don’t want to. (When the arrests and treason/genocide trials are up and running that won’t stand them in good stead.) Next the Republic needs to pay Professor Ferdinand von Whatsisname to get the hell out — but not back to his native Germany PUH-LEEEEZE! Can’t they send him to Soweto or somewhere? Or how about pleasant Port Morseby, I hear it’s nice this time of year? Right, a one-way ticket preferably with one of those explosive collars around his neck, like Arnold Schwarzenegger in the ‘80s movie “Running Man” (the ones that exploded when you tried to leave). Let’s get Professor Ferdinand fitted with one of those collars and sent on his way then! Posted by Fred Scrooby on November 17, 2009, 01:45 AM | # Excuse me, it’s Port Moresby. (Or Pot Mosbi in the local Pigin English dialect.) Or course don’t go out at night without a rocket propelled grenade launcher, a 50 calibre machine gun, or a bren gun but for vibrancy the place can’t be beat — it’s very, very vibrant! The Professor will love it!) Posted by Al Ross on November 17, 2009, 01:51 AM | # Top notch post, Fred. Thank you for the links. Posted by Matra on November 17, 2009, 02:55 AM | # Next the Republic needs to pay Professor Ferdinand von Whatsisname to get the hell out Ferdinand von Prondzynski. There’s now a long Wikipedia entry for him and a link to his blog. There’s not much there on immigration but I did see this:
Posted by Fred Scrooby on November 17, 2009, 03:41 AM | # The Irish courts need to bring back boiling in oil, just for this guy then they can rescind it again once they’ve used in on him. Posted by Fred Scrooby on November 17, 2009, 02:28 PM | # This news that Denmark and Ireland have begun perfectly christian, perfectly humane, financially reimbursed repatriation of non-whites the hell out of their countries should not be allowed to remain “quiet” but should be seized upon and trumpeted at every opportunity by our guys. In my view it is news as major, as important for us, as the BNP victories of the last election. It is major, major, major news, and excellent news for our side, and has to be seen by the other side as a big defeat fraught with extremely alarming portent for their future plans. Clearly they, the other side, are not going to talk about it much if they can avoid it, in hope of letting the news die until they can muster troops to undo it as similar efforts at repatriation sanity in France in the 1970s (aimed at North Africans) and Germany in the 1980s (aimed at Turks) were quietly, behind the scenes, undone by the other side. That must NOT be permitted to happen this time. On the contrary, this humanely conducted repatriation movement of non-whites MUST be encouraged to grow. Our side needs to dwell on it, needs to intelligently applaud it, respectfully cheer it on (don’t use language like I just did above where I said “the hell out of our countries” though of course that’s damn well what we feel and rightly so), and do what we can to shepherd it along and to help it entrench itself and withstand the other side’s inevitable efforts to undo it. We must try to make it invulnerable to counterattack and to make it grow, by doing what we can to applaud it, publicize it favorably, defend it, and encourage it. This amazing, heartening story — the beginnings of the answer to our prayers, in essence — should not be allowed to die but should be kept in the spotlight and encouraged to the hilt! Posted by Fred Scrooby on November 17, 2009, 02:35 PM | # To anyone who may not know what I’m talking about in that last comment, see my pair of comments on this matter several comments above, in this thread. Inform yourselves: this is extremely important. Posted by Fred Scrooby on November 17, 2009, 02:43 PM | #
And what, exactly, are those “future plans” of the other side’s, the ones threatened by humanely conducted repatriation? Well .... if you’re new to all this, perhaps a certain must-read article published just yesterday evening over at Vdare.com, will clarify a few things for you: http://www.vdare.com/misc/091116_raehn.htm . Oh and if you’re wondering who, exactly, the other side are, go through the linked article once more, this time asking yourself what the ethnicity of all the other side’s major players is and has been since the beginning — ask yourself what tribe they belong to, in other words. Let’s just say that will lead in many cases to a lightbulb going off in your head ........ And then think about the expression “tribal war.” Next entry: MR Radio: Soren Renner interview Previous entry: The Fort Hood shootings |
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