Sowing the Seeds: Powder Keg on the Baltic

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Almost 70 years ago, thick storm clouds were gathering over Europe.  Clouds which were not only Wehrmacht grey, however.  French negotiators were trying to convince Poland to allow the Soviet army to march through for an attack on Germany.  ‘World War II was the inevitable result of Versailles’ is a fairly widespread meme that the tenders of the Multicult have allowed to survive.  Another common meme is that Germany, without justification, invaded Poland in 1939, forcing the Good War upon the Western (and eventually, Bolshevik) powers.  These memes would seem to contradict one another.  How could it be without justification and yet have been inevitable?  Is it because Germans are just that nasty and vengeful?  Of course, there are all sorts of other memes to help reconcile the absurdity of such otherwise necessary assumptions. 

One of the few advantages of being demonized and marginalized is that it forces one to produce high quality work in order to gain whatever measure of respectability is still possible.  This is particularly true in the highly charged anti-Nazi atmosphere poisoning the German biosphere, where every Gutmensch has his Mjöllnir ready to fire with righteous lightning on anyone who says the wrong thing about National Socialism and the events of World War II (details or otherwise).  One such producer of high quality work is General Gerd Schultze-Rhonhof.  His book ‘Der Krieg, der viele Väter hatte’ (The War With Many Father) has sold (as of 2007) over 30,000 copies and is in its 6th edition.  Much of the information contained in his book is also available on his website (unfortunately, only in German).  In the run-up to the 70th anniversary of the start of the war, he has been writing a series of essays in Junge Freiheit, a ‘New Right’ weekly paper in Germany.  Although I suspect much of what he says is well known by many here, I thought it would be interesting and worthwhile to provide a translation of these articles for those who are not as familiar with the background to the war.  It might be a better conversation starter at the family BBQ than other aspects of the war which are often discussed in these circles.  There are also historical lessons on the dangers of forcing different peoples into shared living space. 

The Mortgage of Versailles

World War II is not conceivable without the Allies’ negotiations after 1919

The Treaty of Versailles produced, along with many other difficulties, three results that would strain the relationship between Germany and Poland.  Firstly, Danzig was separated from Germany and declared a partly sovereign state (the Free City of Danzig), despite the fact that 97% of the population was German-speaking [Rhonhof does not always think in racial/ethnic terms, but I would imagine that these were also ethnically German].  The mortgage, written by the victors into the founding document of the city, was that Poland was to be given custom, postal, rail, and trade privileges in Danzig, as well as being the international representative for the city.  Apart from that, the city was to be the protectorate of the League of Nations, i.e. the victors themselves.  The construction of a small state with tripartite sovereignty in itself was creating a powder keg.

Piling up causes for conflict

The second problem was that West Prussia, whose population was at least 70% German, the province of Posen with another 30%, and Upper Silesia were taken from Germany and given to Poland.  Two million Germans were thus, against their will, made into Polish citizens.  The majority of them did not willingly accept their ‘reallocation’.  They did not feel loyalty to their new rulers, and the Polish government, for its part, discriminated against and bullied these Germans.  This act of the victors, to place people under the control of a foreign power, contradicted the postulated right to self-determination.

The third strain in the German-Polish relationship also came about from the forced transfer of West Prussia to Poland.  This created a Polish land barrier between the main part of Germany and the province of East Prussia (the ‘Polish Corridor’).  The economy, and especially the energy supply of East Prussia was thus dependent on transport through Polish territory.  In 1920 it was established by treaty that there would be eight rail connections to East Prussia for goods, people, and above all, coal from Upper Silesia.  Transit costs were to be paid in Zlotny.  Until the worldwide depression, this arrangement did not cause serious problem.  Afterwards, however, it caused an increasingly heavy strain on the relationship.  With these three substantial problems, the victors had piled up enough causes for conflict between the two countries that, without some form of amendment, a successful coexistence was almost impossible.

No hope for a durable peace

The politicians for the victorious powers quickly realized this too.  The English Primer Minister, Lloyd George, prophesied disaster already at the Versailles conference, saying that the suggestion of the Polish commission, that 2.1 million Germans should be placed under the authority of a people that has not in the course of history showed that it understands how to rule itself, will sooner or later lead to a new war in eastern Europe.  The American delegate to Versailles, William Bullitt, wrote from Paris to Woodrow Wilson in 1919 that the unjust decisions from the Versailles conference about Shantung, Tyrol, East Prussia, Danzig and the Saarland made new international conflicts a certainty.  Pierre Laval, the French Premier, in two visits to the US in 1931 repeatedly described the Polish Corridor as a monstrosity and a deformity.  On November 24th, 1932, Churchill described it even more explicitly in a speech to the House of Parliament: “If the British government really wishes to promote peace, then it should take the initiative and re-open the issues of Danzig and the Corridor while the victorious powers are as yet superior. If these matters are not resolved, there can be no hope for a lasting peace!”

As war came nearer, Lord Lothian (later to be British ambassador to the US) in 1937 said: “Now if the principle of self-determination were applied on behalf of Germany in the way in which it was applied against her, it would mean the re-entry of Austria into Germany, the union of the Sudeten-Deutsch, Danzig and possibly Memel with Germany, and certain adjustments with Poland in Silesia and the Corridor.”  The causes for a new war were already created by the victors in Versailles and were not remedied, long after the time to do so had passed and while they still had the power to do so.  From 1933, the National Socialists would represent a new force which felt compelled to get rid of what all parties in Germany agreed was the monstrosity of Versailles.


I will be adding the remaining essays from the series into the comments section of this post.

Posted by Dasein on Tuesday, August 4, 2009 at 04:18 PM in History
Comments (91) | Tell a friend

Comments:

1

Posted by Dasein on August 05, 2009, 07:06 AM | #

I said that Rhonhof does not always think in racial/ethnic terms.  In an interview, he said that he hoped that his work would make it easier to integrate Germany’s immigrants, that it would make them more willing to become ‘German’ (yeah, like this wished-for miscegenation would be a good deal for native Germans).

A quote from this interview:

After all, we Germans in the past have integrated a large number of Poles.  We integrated the Salzburg protestant exiles.  We integrated Scots and Huegenots.  What waves of immigration we have had in Germany!  And they all became good Germans.  The Huegenots still carry their French surnames and have been good Germans for 300 years.  Why don’t we continue this tradition?

Yes, this says it all about the state of Germany, that a man that speaks such anodyne nonsense can be labeled as a far-right extremist.

2

Posted by Svigor on August 05, 2009, 01:34 PM | #

Dasein, could you delve more into why these conditions were intolerable?

Any other stuff along these lines you wish to post would be welcome.

3

Posted by Dasein on August 05, 2009, 02:30 PM | #

Svigor, the subsequent essays will go into more detail.  I’m going to hopefully translate one every few days, the next one will be likely up tomorrow.

4

Posted by Dan Dare on August 05, 2009, 06:30 PM | #

Any discussion about Danzig has to confront the question: Why did Hitler invade Poland in September 1939 when Danzig (and the Corridor) were his for the asking? All that would have been necessary was a little quite diplomacy to persuade the British to officially put the Danzig question outside the Anglo-Polish Guarantees, which they were clearly prepared to do.

As AJP Taylor put it:

… British policy had, without design, made Danzig the decisive question for 1939, just as, with more deliberation, it presented the Sudeten Germans as the decisive question in 1938. But with this difference. The Sudeten German question was asked of the Czechs and the French. It was they who were pressed to make concessions, or to face the risk of war. In 1939 the British were themselves at question, faced with the choice between resistance and conciliation. British ministers preferred the second course. They were still the men of peace who had rejoiced at the settlement of Munich. They still hated the prospect of war; still hoped to find a way out by means of negotiation. Moreover, with mounting Japanese pressure in the Far East, they had increasing desire to turn their backs on Europe. Besides, in taking a stand over Danzig they were on peculiarly weak ground. Danzig was the most justified of German grievances: a city of exclusively German population which manifestly wished to return to the Reich and which Hitler himself restrained only with difficulty. The solution, too, seemed peculiarly easy. Halifax never wearied of suggesting that Danzig should return to German sovereignty, with safeguards for Polish trade.

Origins of the Second World War, pp 234-5

So why did Hitler go to war for something that was going to drop into his lap anyway?

5

Posted by Dasein on August 06, 2009, 03:20 AM | #

Dan, the British, by giving Poland a blank check for defense in the event of a German attack, were partly responsible for Polish intransigence.  Hitler offered, in 1938, to recognize the post-1920 Polish border in exchange for Danzig.  There was certainly German aggression (Czechoslovakia) and Polish intransigence (Danzig) in the lead-up to the war.  The Polish-German relationship will be discussed more in the upcoming essays.

6

Posted by Al Ross on August 06, 2009, 05:04 AM | #

The inane British rush to Poland’s aid has been portrayed to the point of extreme tedium as a ” defence of democracy” in order to gull the ignorant. In 1939 Poland was run by an army junta who stupidly attempted to retain the outrageously punitive territorial gains awarded by the Versailles Treaty, itself an abomination which constituted the diametrical opposite of a just peace.

7

Posted by Al Ross on August 06, 2009, 05:41 AM | #

Had the USA avoided the self - immolating folly of World War One , the Versailles Treaty would be a figment of the counter factual historian’s imagination. Sadly, even as long ago as 1917, it was too late to claim that White American’s were in charge of the country they thought was theirs.

http://organon1m.blogspot.com/2009/03/jewish-defector-warns-america.html

8

Posted by Al Ross on August 06, 2009, 05:43 AM | #

For the apostrophe solecism, apologies.

9

Posted by jamesUK on August 06, 2009, 05:45 AM | #

How come Majority Rights near talks about or mentions the Balkans wars during the 90’s which created a Nexus of international terrorism and organised crime throughout Europe and creation of a Islamic terrorist state in the heart of Europe Bosnia and mafia/terrorist/organised crime state in Kosovo which were aided, financed, trained, PR propaganda by the West and western intelligence as well as Arab countries?

Why is Majority Rights being a gate keeper?

10

Posted by Al Ross on August 06, 2009, 06:00 AM | #

Balkans Wars, eh? Well, let’s see if the Jewish crypsis - inspired names of those powerful ‘Americans’ Richard Holbrooke and Madeleine Albright give you a clue, jamesUK.

11

Posted by Guessedworker on August 06, 2009, 07:04 AM | #

James,

Islamicisation is really, really NOT “the big problem”.  It is a weapon wielded by others.

You are, however, right that we do not give much attention to the Balkans.  The last posting on the subject was this:-

http://majorityrights.com/index.php/weblog/comments/karadzhi/

12

Posted by HelenChicago on August 06, 2009, 11:59 AM | #

Dan Dare—- You ask why the to-do over Danzig, and Dasein gives the correct short answer: Polish intransigence + foolish British guarantees. Coincidentally, I’m just finishing Patrick Buchanan’s Churchill, Hitler, and the Unnecessary War. It gives a first-rate overview of the run-up to WWII (including, of course, WWI and Versailles) and its outcome. Some would call it “revisionist.” Whatever. It’s an excellent antidote to the usual “greatest generation” pap and propaganda about that era and its key figures.

13

Posted by jamesUK on August 06, 2009, 05:48 PM | #

@Guessedworker

Agreed I don’t think Islamisation is a threat to the West which is as much a phoney threat as Communism was both of which were created to overthrow the order of geo-political rivals overseas seeing how both there major financial backers, international fighting brigades/mercenaries and even political influence operated freely with the assistance of foreign and domestic intelligence and security services in Western capitals. 

Surprised you haven’t looked into and researched the Balkans

Those who talk about race and ethnic conflict always use this as an example.

And this was the beginning and Nexus point of the NWO and proves without a shadow of a doubt that there is a NWO of media, military, intelligence and political control.

Best site for all the info is Andy Wilcox http://www.slobodan-milosevic.org which includes reports from Milosevics political kangaroo show trail court in the Hague which backfired and showed US and western governments involvement terrorism and organised crime.
They couldn’t even charge him with a single offence and with the trail coming to a close and no way they would let him be acquitted in front of the mass media they killed him. 

@HelenChicago

I bet he doesn’t expose the massive Jewish involvement in pushing for in the US with there massive influence in US media and government at that time and there connections to the Soviet Union like sponsoring anti-fascist conferences through Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee (JAC) and anti-German war propaganda and the 1933 boycott on Germany by international Jewry.

The America first party spoke out about Jewish influence in going to war.

Marx and Jewish revolutionaries referenced Spartacus and the revolute against Rome.

Was Spartacus a Jewish revolutionary leading an uprising against Rome?

Churchill makes mention to Spartacus in his Illustrated Sunday Herald February 8, 1920 article Zionism vs Bolshevism as an outline of a history of Jewish movements to overthrow the existing order. 

“From the days of Spartacus-Weishaupt to those of Karl Marx, and down to Trotsky (Russia), Bela Kun (Hungary), Rosa Luxembourg (Germany), and Emma Goldman (United States), this world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilization and for the reconstitution of society on the basis of arrested development, of envious malevolence, and impossible equality, has been steadily growing.
It played, as a modern writer, Mrs. Webster, has so ably shown, a definitely recognizable part in the tragedy of the French Revolution.

It has been the mainspring of every subversive movement during the Nineteenth Century; and now at last this band of extraordinary personalities from the underworld of the great cities of Europe and America have gripped the Russian people by the hair of their heads and have become practically the undisputed masters of that enormous empire.” 

http://www.fpp.co.uk/bookchapters/WSC/WSCwrote1920.html

14

Posted by Captainchaos on August 06, 2009, 07:00 PM | #

The America first party spoke out about Jewish influence in going to war.

James, out with it.  Do you think we ought to preserve our race genetically or not?

15

Posted by Dan Dare on August 06, 2009, 07:23 PM | #

@Dasein:

I’m looking forward to the rest of the series and especially any new revelations about German-Polish relations in the preamble to hostilities breaking out. Please don’t take my comments here as being in any way critical of your efforts.


@HelenChicago

Well, if duelling revisionists is where it’s at, I’ll see your Buchanan and raise you an Irving.

From Hitler’s War, p. 201:

… Ribbentrop set out that afternoon for Moscow, armed with Hitler’s private instructions to yield to every Soviet demand; … That evening, August 22nd, he [Hitler] repeated that his only real fear was that some imbecile might oblige him, by ‘subtle proposals’, to give way again. This was no idle fear; since about 16th August the FA [Forschungsamt] had been monitoring furtive phone conversations between the British Ambassador in Berlin and Sir Horace Wilson in London. Wilson was searching desperately for a formula that would give Danzig back to the Reich.

So we see that even Irving is confirms that the British were on-side regarding the return of Danzig, and that Hitler had already moved beyond a diplomatic solution to the Polish Question by this point. Not surprising really, since he had issued the order for Fall Weiß to commence that very morning at the Berghof.

The inescapable conclusion is that Hitler wanted war, not peace, which is obvious really since there was no conceivable peaceful or diplomatic avenue that could lead to the real strategic goal: an empire based on Lebensraum in the East. Invading and occupying Poland was to be just the first initial in that process, for which Danzig merely provided a convenient pretext. If Danzig was the real objective, there was no need for war.

16

Posted by Fred Scrooby on August 06, 2009, 08:48 PM | #

CC, I believe he’s already said fairly directly, in so many words, he does not care about race.  I don’t have a citation at hand.  James (who says he’s a full-blooded Scot posting from Scotland) is what GW calls a “culturalist.”  For him race ranks way down there in importance, exactly as it does for The Monitor.  If I’m wrong about him, let him deny it in no uncertain terms.  I don’t think he will.

18

Posted by Dan Dare on August 06, 2009, 09:33 PM | #

If the Germans got Danzig back (and unimpeded access through the corridor) why should they give a fig about Polish recalcitrance?

19

Posted by Frank on August 06, 2009, 10:10 PM | #

Fred Scrooby,

The Monitor is likely no more a culturalist than is John Marshall.

Both put race below Christ, but that does not make them culturalists. No where will you find The Monitor pretending blacks can become whites if only culture is adopted, and even more so John Marshall and other kinists.

20

Posted by Fred Scrooby on August 06, 2009, 10:49 PM | #

Frank, if Christ disregards race, Christ is wrong.  If God does, so’s God.  Two plus two doesn’t equal five and, clearly, any religion that says it does proves thereby its own falseness and worthlessness as a religion and from that point on, everyone can safely stop believing in it.  If Christ disregards race he proves then and there he’s not the Son of God no matter whether literally, figuratively, or in any way you want to look at it.  It’s that simple.  Case closed.  If God disregards race he proves he’s not God but an impostor. 

There’s truth and there’s lies.  You can’t get around that; neither can God. 

I don’t know aught about John Marshall and, with your permission, haven’t the time right now to read up on him.  I think you’re wrong about The Monitor (think?  I’m sure of it:  diametrically one-hundred-and-eighty degrees wrong) but I won’t argue the point. 

I’ll close by saying what scum The Monitor is. 

I’ll leave it at that — you get the last word.

21

Posted by Frank on August 06, 2009, 11:04 PM | #

“I’ll leave it at that — you get the last word.”

I’ll just say Christ didn’t preach Babel and didn’t go against the natural order of the world.

“haven’t the time right now to read up on him”

Probably a good choice - no sense learning where every blogger stands.

22

Posted by Desmond Jones on August 07, 2009, 01:21 AM | #

They weren’t getting Danzig back and there is “the question of Polish aggression against Germans minorities.”

http://majorityrights.com/index.php/weblog/comments/diversity_and_moral_transformation/#c70307

Of course the English can never accept their Polish paramours might have debased themselves or even explore why the violent reaction. It’s much easier to just blame the Germans.

http://majorityrights.com/index.php/weblog/comments/jedwabne_and_the_race_hucksters/

23

Posted by Dasein on August 07, 2009, 03:17 AM | #

Dan, no worries, dissenting views are welcome smile  I think you’ll find the rest of the series interesting.  Ribbentrop actually did have to call Hitler during that final negotiating session before signing the non-aggression pact, as the Soviets sprung a surprise demand for the Baltic states.  So the quote is not quite accurate.  The quote from Taylor does not sound balanced.  The British elites were not a monolith.  Remember, Bush provided a gem for court historians when he said ‘we are a peace-loving people’ in the lead-up to Iraq.  If you’re claiming that Poland was about to concede on Danzig and the Polish corridor, I would like to see the evidence.  Even if the British were softening their position, it does not follow that the Polish were as well.  My intention with these essays is not to whitewash the NS regime, but to find some reconciliation between these 2 common, yet conflicting, memes: Versailles made World War II inevitable, and the unjustified attack on Poland forced the war upon the Western powers.

24

Posted by Dasein on August 07, 2009, 03:20 AM | #

Rather than create new posts for each of these essays (and interrupt the conversation that is developing in the comments), I am going to put them into this thread as comments.  At least until this post gets further down the main page.

25

Posted by Dasein on August 07, 2009, 04:05 AM | #

Danzig, an unending point of contention (General Schultze-Rhonhof)

Translated, with images and links added by Dasein

The Treaty of Versailles was in effect for twenty years between the world wars, during which time the German-Polish relationship was not always unpleasant.  The beginning was inauspicious and the end was tragic.  The two governments were based on different concept of statehood as regarded their demands for sovereignty.  Poland saw itself as the successor of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

In 1921, Poland controlled an empire well beyond the boundaries of the Polish-speaking territories, in which eleven million Ukrainian, German, White Russian, Lithuanian and other minorities lived.  People within the German Empire considered it to be a state organized for all members of the German ethnic community.  These concepts of statehood had to collide where their claims overlapped: in the Free City of Danzig, in the northern half of the Polish Corridor and in parts of Upper Silesia.  All the governments of the Weimar Republic, prior to Hitler’s taking power, maintained the German claim on the lost territories, even if they rejected violent means of reacquiring them.  Hitler was the first, in 1938, to offer recognition of Polish land acquisitions since 1920 as a concession for the return of Danzig to Germany.

Between the wars, there was constant conflict between the Polish republic and the government of the Free City of Danzig as well as the council and high commissioner of the League of Nations.  Germany, for the most part, did not get involved in these conflicts.  The constitution of the Free City of Danzig, signed on August 19, 1920, was hardly three months old when Poland began trying to change it with countless interventions, legal complaints, and demands.  The issue was the sovereign power of the Free City, which Poland did not recognize and wanted transferred to it.

Poland received a number of rights from the victors and began at once to put its own public authorities into place in the Free City.  The mixture of Polish and Danziger officials in the postal, rail, customs, and waterway services in the Free City created endless squabbles over competencies.  In the following years, as Poland tried through a variety of smaller steps to incorporate Danzig and bombarded the high commissioner of the League of Nations with new demands for annexing the city, as first raised during the Versailles Conference, it became clear that such an independent small state with limited sovereignty was not viable.

Between 1921 and 1924, Poland had to be repeatedly instructed that it did not have dominion over Danzig.  For example, in 1920 Poland applied to be protector of the city and be allowed to station Polish troops there.  The League of Nations turned down this request.  In 1921, Poland requested that its 24 public authorities in the city be granted extra-territorial status, as well as for Polish property, ships, and officials.  The council of the League of Nations decided, however, that what was in Danzig should be under the judicial control of the Free City and should not be considered as extra-territorial.  In addition, the League of Nations requested that the administration for the Polish rail system be moved out of Danzig, back to Poland.  In 1921, the Polish government tried to impose its visa requirements on Danzig.  Polish officials began to replace the Danzig passports of citizens with Polish ones.  In both cases, the League of Nations quickly put an end to Polish pretensions.

Poland expanded its own postal network across nearly the whole city, even though the Treaty of Versailles had limited this to the harbour area.  Polish officials in Danzig refused to accept the Danzig guilder as payment, even though it was pegged to the British pound.  Despite the emphatic protests of the Danzig senate, the Polish military created a munitions depot in the harbour.  In 1923, following a decision from the League of Nations, Poland received a peninsula in the of the city (the Westerplatte [site of first battle in World War II]), for storing munitions and a contingent of 88 [!?] troops.

Poland tried next to increase the number of troops stationed on the Westerplatte.  Here too, the League of Nations stepped in with a veto.  In 1932, Poland used a visit from the British navy as an excuse to move its own warships into the Danzig harbour.  When the Danzig senate protested, Poland told it that “Polish warships would shell the closest public building should the people of Danzig insult the Polish flag on those ships”.  As of August 1932, it became standard practice for Poland to claim the right to station its navy in the Danzig harbour.  In this manner, the Polish state slowly, yet unremittingly, expanded its access to Danzig.  Poland would keep up the pressure on the Danzig until the outbreak of the world war.  From 1933 on, as in Germany, the NSDAP would grow stronger and create a counter force.

Reich’s war flag rising above the Westerplatte on September 8, 1939

26

Posted by Guessedworker on August 07, 2009, 06:35 AM | #

There were two nationalist principles in conflict here: Volk and territory.  The Poles sought territorial coherency, added to which was the fact that Danzig was the only port in the Polish corridor, and Poland had a national interest in controlling it.  In return for this, and consonant with the mutli-ethnic concept of Polish empire, they accepted the ethnic status quo.

Germany was publicly committed to the unification of all the German peoples.  Post-Versailles that meant the Germans of Brandenburg, Neumark, Posen, Silesia, Pomerania and Grenzmark as well as East Prussia.  For racialists blood always trumps soil and, certainly, an idealist might be content with territorial compromise in order to achieve racial unity.  But the complexity of the historical overhang of Ostsiedlung made that absolutely unthinkable.  In fact, its continued pull on the German heart authenticated the “total Ostsiedlung” of National Socialist’s Lebensraum.

The rest we know.  War resolved history because politicians could or would not.

27

Posted by Captainchaos on August 07, 2009, 10:09 AM | #

In fact, its continued pull on the German heart authenticated the “total Ostsiedlung” of National Socialist’s Lebensraum.

A more mundane rationale for the expansion eastward was the lesson taught near the conclusion of WWI: the need for autarky in the face of the Anglo-American starvation-blockade from which hundreds of thousands of Germans succumbed, kept in place even after the cessation of formal combat.  Hence the need to acquire the fertile lands Ukraine. 

But then there is this, a salvific vision of greatness articulated by Himmler, as recounted in the memoir of Latvian Waffen-SS man Artur Silgailis:

He (Himmler) then singled out those nations which he regarded as belonging to the German family of nations and they were: the Germans, the Dutch, the Flemish, the Anglo-Saxons, the Scandinavians and the Baltic people. ‘To combine all of these nations into one big family is the most important task at the present time’ (Himmler said). ‘This unification has to take place on the principle of equality and at that same time has to secure the identity of each nation and its economical independence, of course, adjusting the latter to the interests of the whole German living space. . . After the unification of all the German nations into one family, this family. . . has to take over the mission to include, in the family, all the Roman nations whose living space is favored by nature with a milder climate…I am convinced that after the unification, the Roman nations will be able to persevere as the Germans…This enlarged family of the White race will then have the mission to include the Slavic nations into the family also because they too are of the White race . . . it is only with such a unification of the White race that the Western culture could be saved from the Yellow race . . . At the present time, the Waffen-SS is leading in this respect because its organization is based on the principle of equality. The Waffen-SS comprises not only German, Roman and Slavic, but even Islamic units and at the same time has proven that every unit has maintained its national identity while fighting in close togetherness . . . I know quite well my Germans. The German always likes to think himself better but I would like to avert this. It is important that every Waffen-SS officer obeys the order of another officer of another nationality, as the officer of the other nationality obeys the order of the German officer.

28

Posted by Frank on August 07, 2009, 10:28 AM | #

CC,

we’d all be mulattos then.

29

Posted by Guessedworker on August 07, 2009, 10:41 AM | #

Unfortunately, CC, no one bothered to ask the other “Germans” if they wanted this ... if Irishmen and Norwegians, Bretons and Danes wanted to saved this way from “the Yellow Race”.  The attempt to force Europe’s nations into the EU suffers from the same defect.  Nobody wants it.

30

Posted by Captainchaos on August 07, 2009, 10:51 AM | #

Frank,

we’d all be mulattos then.

Not according to Himmler, read again:

The Waffen-SS comprises not only German, Roman and Slavic, but even Islamic units and at the same time has proven that every unit has maintained its national identity while fighting in close togetherness

And, according to Himmler, this is who is Germanic, or Nordic:

He (Himmler) then singled out those nations which he regarded as belonging to the German family of nations and they were: the Germans, the Dutch, the Flemish, the Anglo-Saxons, the Scandinavians and the Baltic people.

The National Socialist mission was merely to make de jure what is de facto regardless, with obvious improvements - a Europe of morally equal nations, each committed to preserving its identity, with Germany the first among equals.  If the National Socialists were not committed to preserving Nordics, then no one ever has been.

31

Posted by Frank on August 07, 2009, 10:58 AM | #

Oh, I thought he was saying to unite Germans and Romans and Slavs.

After the unification of all the German nations into one family, this family. . . has to take over the mission to include, in the family, all the Roman nations whose living space is favored by nature with a milder climate

Regardless, I like how Europe is more particular… Such a decision would be up to them as GW says, but I like the idea of tiny, proud little nations.

Plenty of Lebensraum is available for the taking in the New World still. Vast parts of Canada, America, and Australia - and probably Greenland and Russia too - are available for those who’ll but have the babies to fill them.

32

Posted by Frank on August 07, 2009, 11:04 AM | #

Ah, you mean political unity - not genetic unity.

Yes, I could potentially like something like that.

33

Posted by Frank on August 07, 2009, 11:12 AM | #

If the National Socialists were not committed to preserving Nordics, then no one ever has been.

My attachment is to Nordics just the same - we Americans used to call them “whites”. You’ll find Nordicism in America outside NS.

I continue to be annoyed that Celts are not specifically included as white though. Anglo-Saxons are not the entirety of the two islands.

34

Posted by Dan Dare on August 07, 2009, 11:26 AM | #

Incidentally, Dasein’s graphic above of the outer harbour shows the German battleship Schleswig-Holstein in the position from which it shelled the Polish facilities on the Westerplatte in the early hours of September 1st.

These are widely held to be the actual opening shots of WW II.

There is an excellent account of the German takeover of Danzig, with many ‘then and now’ illiustrations in issue #65 of ‘After the Battle’ magazine.

35

Posted by Captainchaos on August 07, 2009, 11:50 AM | #

GW,

The attempt to force Europe’s nations into the EU suffers from the same defect.  Nobody wants it.

Then why do most European’s vote for political forces that propagate the EU?  The obvious answer, because they are lemmings, and don’t really know what they want, or, rather, what they should want.  So then, unless one is to embrace racial nihilism, one must support the proper instruction of the people.

Frank,

Plenty of Lebensraum is available for the taking in the New World still. Vast parts of Canada, America, and Australia

We need to reclaim these lands, primarily for Nordics.  However, we must take into consideration quality of life, which strongly tracks with low population density, and strict environmental preservation.

and Russia too

Leave Russian Siberia to the Slavic branch of our race.  As you point out above, we already have our Lebensraum, or rather we will again, once we reclaim it.

You’ll find Nordicism in America outside NS.

I am not committed to NS as the only way forward.  I am not a dogmatist.  I want to reclaim what really was of NS from the propagandists/court historians so it ceases to be a club to bludgeon us with.

I continue to be annoyed that Celts are not specifically included as white though.

I certainly conceive of Scots-Irish as Nordic.

Dan Dare,

There is an excellent account of the German takeover of Danzig,

Pedantry aside, what do you think of the worthiness of a National Socialist German victory in WWII?  All things considered, would it have been better or worse for our race than what we have now?

36

Posted by Frank on August 07, 2009, 12:00 PM | #

CC,

Leave Russian Siberia to the Slavic branch of our race.  As you point out above, we already have our Lebensraum, or rather we will again, once we reclaim it.

They risk having China take it. What is done there though is of course up to them.

So then, unless one is to embrace racial nihilism, one must support the proper instruction of the people.

It’s tough to get different nations to work together, unfortunately. Even English and Scots can’t get along.

At the least none of us should war again, and should ally together when needed. Political details like that are for others though - I won’t pretend i have answers for that, especially since the ideal changes as the environment continually does.

37

Posted by Frank on August 07, 2009, 12:13 PM | #

I am not committed to NS as the only way forward.  I am not a dogmatist.  I want to reclaim what really was of NS from the propagandists/court historians so it ceases to be a club to bludgeon us with.

And I guess you know I chiefly have qualms with identifying with the perception of NS. I don’t mind learning from any source that offers wisdom. I’m interested in undermining the propagandists to be sure too. However while lying is evil, refraining from speaking parts of the truth might at times be wise. Much else of popular history is fiction too, and I don’t like such elitism in the ideal - that is to say I don’t accept it as an inevitable elitist truth that the masses cannot handle truth… Valuing truth is probably another part of the “faith gene” and even remnant Christianity, but it’s worthwhile regardless the origin.

Not to imply I have any expertise of WWII - history is based on the word of experts, and so long as they aren’t debating it remains difficult for those outside the field to determine what’s reliable. I have some good material though to read. Also, many of the experts are Jewish and so even assuming they’re honest they have a different history. Nations commonly write different versions of history: honestly from their own perspectives and dishonestly via prop. In the ideal, we’d have our own historians to look to for truth, and these would ideally allow themselves to be questioned of course…

38

Posted by jamesUK on August 07, 2009, 12:32 PM | #

@Dasein

How were you able to post pictures in the comment section?

I wanted to post pictures from scenes in Watchmen when I was deconstructing the film but don’t know how.

39

Posted by Captainchaos on August 07, 2009, 12:52 PM | #

Watchmen when I was deconstructing the film but don’t know how.

LOL!  Yup, it don’t matter if our race is mongrelized out of existence, so long as we defeat the fucking Rothchilds.  Check out the dollar bill for more important Masonic symbols which hold the key to succor all our ills.  You navel-gazing shithead.

40

Posted by Guessedworker on August 07, 2009, 01:45 PM | #

CC: unless one is to embrace racial nihilism, one must support the proper instruction of the people.

I don’t follow that at all.  National governments are elected on national issues.

what do you think of the worthiness of a National Socialist German victory in WWII?  All things considered, would it have been better or worse for our race than what we have now?

We would be slaves.  But we would exist as a people.  Nationalists would be fighting to throw off the German yolk.

41

Posted by Dasein on August 07, 2009, 02:09 PM | #

We would be slaves.  But we would exist as a people.  Nationalists would be fighting to throw off the German yolk.

GW, this sounds disgusting!  I also don’t know of any plans the Germans had to enslave the British (or French, Dutch, Danish, ...).  Maybe if you were in the wrong Slavic country.  Being in the sphere of influence of a hegemonic power is not the same as enslavement, oder?  But I think you’re right that patriots would still be fighting to gain control of their countries.  Perhaps even sponsored by the US.

42

Posted by Dasein on August 07, 2009, 02:37 PM | #

JamesUK, I used an HTML image tag.

http://www.w3schools.com/tags/tag_IMG.asp

43

Posted by Captainchaos on August 07, 2009, 02:42 PM | #

GW wrote:

We would be slaves.

That would have depended on the will of the Fuhrer, and hence the quality of the man.  And what was that?

From Irving’s Hitler’s War:

At Eva’s suggestion, all the women in the chancellery shelters – refugees fleeing the Russians, nurses from the Voss Bunker hospital, cooks, and officers’ wives – were brought to one of the passages. His eyes bleary and unseeing, Hitler went and shook hands with them and spoke a few words in a low voice to each. One of the nurses began a hysterical speech, insisting that the Führer would bring them victory after all, but Hitler brusquely silenced her. ‘One must accept one’s fate like a man.’ He had taken a deliberate gamble by staying in Berlin; he knew it; and his gamble had failed.

. . .

His bunker was to remain intact. ‘I want the Russians to realise that I
stayed here to the very last moment.’ Magda Goebbels sank to her knees and pleaded with him to stay, but he gently raised her and explained that his death was necessary to remove the last obstacle in Dönitz’s path, if Germany was to be saved.

What can one say?  It is almost Christ-like.  The French knew his benevolence in victory.

44

Posted by Captainchaos on August 07, 2009, 03:10 PM | #

More from Hitler’s War:

‘The British and Americans along the Elbe are holding back,’ Hitler observed. ‘If I can win through here and hang on to the capital, perhaps hope will spring in British and American hearts that with our Nazi Germany they may after all have some chance against this entire danger. And the only man capable of this is me. . . Give me one victory here – however high the price – and then I’ll regain the right to eliminate the dead-weights who constantly obstruct. After that I will work with the generals who have proved their worth.’ Later he again digressed on this theme. ‘First I must set an example to everybody I blamed for retreating, by not retreating myself. It is possible that I will die here, but then at least I shall have died an honourable death.’

. . .

The hysterical atmosphere created by Jodl’s radiotelephone message can
be judged from the words Martin Bormann jotted in his diary: The divisions marching to relieve us have been halted by Himmler and Jodl. We shall stand by and die with our Führer, loyal unto death. If others think they must act ‘out of superior judgement,’ then they are sacrificing the Führer. And their loyalty –Devil take them! – is no better than their sense of honour.

The British and Americans were not interested.  They rather sold their race into slavery to the Jews - who consign us all to despair and death.

45

Posted by Frank on August 07, 2009, 03:39 PM | #

R. E. Lee stood up to end his war and save his people. However, he later said if he’d known it’d act as it did he wouldn’t have surrendered. He also fought the war honourably rather than merely to win.

You’ll drive yourself mad longing for history to have been different.

46

Posted by Dan Dare on August 07, 2009, 04:13 PM | #

Captain Chaos asked:

Pedantry aside, what do you think of the worthiness of a National Socialist German victory in WWII?  All things considered, would it have been better or worse for our race than what we have now?

At the risk of being considered pedantic, I’d have to say that it depends. It depends mostly on how magnanimous Hitler would have been in victory and whether or not the regime would have mellowed over time. I certainly don’t believe that, at least from the outset, all members of our race would have received equal treatment under German occupation (see next) as evidenced by Hitler’s differentiated attitude towards Slavs and those considered tio be Nordic.

Dasein wrote:

… I also don’t know of any plans the Germans had to enslave the British…

Then you won’t be aware of the ‘Orders Concerning the Organisation and Function of the Military Government in England” (the Directive) developed under the auspices of General-Oberst Franz Halder, Chief of the German General Staff (OKH) in the late summer of 1940. Halder’s directive to the Commander-in-Chief of the future occupation forces of course carried the imprimatur of his own superior Field Marshall Heinrich von Brauchitsch, and by extension, that of Adolf Hitler.

As detailed in Norman Longmate’s If Britain Had Fallen, BBC/Arrow, 1975 (ISBN 0 09 909900 4), the ‘Orders’, together with scores of regulations and ‘Ordinances’, total altogether almost 90 pages. In addition, Longmate recounts the occupation plans prepared by the ‘Defence Economic Staff for England’ and, by Heydrich’s RSHA, which by then consolidated the activities of the Kripo, the SD, and not least, the Gestapo. It may be instructive to review just a few of the measures that were documented to be in store for the population of the subjugated British Isles.

(op. cit. p.135 et al, detailing some aspects of the ’Plans for England’ prepared by Amt-III of the RHSA Sicherheitsdienst):

… it would be an impressive way of underlining the German victory if the Nelson Column were to be transferred to Berlin…special teams to be assigned to the National Gallery, the British Museum, the V&A;, the Ashmolean etc etc to sequester works of art for removal to Germany for safekeeping… for reasons of ‘external policy’ special efforts should be made to locate and organise the return of stolen works of art and scientific artifacts to their original owners in Greece, Italy, and so forth…

(p. 179-180) On the economic front, the Directive required that

“...the welfare of the inhabitants of the country and the interests of the country’s national economy, the latter being the concern of the Defence Economic Staff and its headquarters, will be considered only in so far as they contribute directly or indirectly towards the maintenance of law and order and the securing of the country’s labour for the requirements of the troops and the German war economy.”

And in case anyone should have any illusions about what that implied for the ‘welfare’ of the population, here is the Defence Economic Staff’s list of items that were to be requisitioned for immediate transportation to the Continent:

“..Agricultural products, food and fodder of all kinds, ores, crude metals, semi-finished metals of all kinds, including precious metals, asbestos and mica, cut or uncut precious or semi-precious stones, mineral oils and fuels of all kinds, industrial oils and fats, waxes, resins, glues, rubber in any for, all raw materials for textiles, furs and hides, round timber, sawn timber, timber sleepers, and timber masts….

Stereotypically thorough.

(p.185) And as a logical corollary of their plans to strip British industry of its plant, machinery and materiel, paragraph 5 of the Directive for the Military Government of England states that:

“...the able-bodied male population between the ages of 17 and 45 will, unless the local situation calls for an exceptional ruling, be interned and dispatched to the Continent with minimum delay..”

The available evidence certainly indicates that Britain’s eventual fate in a German-controlled Europe would have more closely resembled that of Poland than the relatively benign treatment given to France.

47

Posted by Captainchaos on August 07, 2009, 04:14 PM | #

Frank,

Last October that lisping punk Spencer, of Takimag, e-mailed me with his number, asking me to contact him.  I declined.  Thinking that anything I would say to him in private I could say to him in the comments section, for all to see - which he and Gottfried then discontinued.  Once, in the comments section, Gottfried tried to dissuade me from having love for our people, don’t have pity for them, using some Nietzschean rap, he says.  What a couple of greasy little bitches.  Now you know why I don’t give up.  Now you know what squalid, false-opposition filth the faileocon “leadership” is.

48

Posted by Dasein on August 07, 2009, 04:32 PM | #

Dan, thanks for those quotes, and for jogging my memory.  I do remember reading that now, in Ralph Giordano’s Wenn Hitler den Krieg gewonnen hätte (If Hitler had won the War).  I didn’t make it through the whole book, though, as much of the case he built up, particularly as regards England, seemed to just be cherry-picked rantings of some administration nobody.  Your quotes are different, though I would question how much support they would have received from Hitler, who was more often desperate to make peace with the British.  But sure, the British behaved correctly in defending themselves against German invasion.  Rumours from Washington (e.g. Morgenthau Plan) were also part of what motivated Germans to fight long after it seemed hopeless.

49

Posted by Guessedworker on August 07, 2009, 04:38 PM | #

Dasein,

Because the general view of National Socialist Germany is so heavily corrupted by wartime (and post-war) propaganda, and by Jewish victimology, and because we consider ourselves good men who trust and believe in our people as National Socialists trusted and believed in theirs, we sometimes wipe the NS slate too clean.  In a strange parallel to liberal self-loathers, we are quick to attest to Allied crimes against German civilians.  We should be in no hurry to excuse German crimes or to mistake the nature of German occupation.

Look to the populations of Denmark, Holland and Belgium in the moment of their liberation if you want to know whether people desire to be free, to have rights as individuals and as sovereign nations, to live under their own governments and their own laws, and not to live as untermenschen in their own land.

Further, ask yourself if, in their place, you would wish to have lived under German occupation, and subject to German whim.  Ask yourself whether you would condone another Lidice or Oradour-sur-Glane in some troublesome corner of your own land.  Ask yourself if you would have been happy to be strung up as a political dissident or, if you were German, a “defeatist”.  Ask yourself if, given our liberation one day from the injustice and danger which confront us now, you would support a party that totalises and imposes a dictatorship, militarises society, evicts neighbouring populations or, if it doesn’t do that, installs puppet governments to rule them, and so on.

I know you would not.  Let us, then, cleave good from bad and put away the bad, and be in no uncertainty that there was both, much magnified, in National Socialist Germany.  Let’s do the same with the Western democratic model, and separate out respect for liberty, human rights, equality before the law, the ballot box, etc from the maladies we blog about here every day.

50

Posted by Dan Dare on August 07, 2009, 05:12 PM | #

I think an essential difference between the two systems, parliamentary democracy and totalitarian dictatorship, is highlighted by how each responds to military catastrophe. In May 1940, following the Norwegian debacle, Neville Chamberlain failed to obtain a decisive-enough vote of confidence following an open debate in Parliament and was thus obliged to resign in order that a more able successor might take over the reins. The only way that Hitler could have been deposed after the disasters in North Africa and Stalingrad was through a violent coup d’état and assassination.

I know which system I would prefer to live under, warts and all.

51

Posted by Captainchaos on August 07, 2009, 05:45 PM | #

Dan Dare:

Halder’s directive to the Commander-in-Chief of the future occupation forces of course carried the imprimatur of his own superior Field Marshall Heinrich von Brauchitsch, and by extension, that of Adolf Hitler.

That is very slippery, dare I tendentious of you, Dan.  Apparently you have read Irving’s Hitler’s War, do you not recall having read this?

Hitler allowed the phoney invasion preparations against
Britain to continue in the hope that this threat would bring the British people
to their senses. Admiral Raeder argued that the British would not make
peace without, figuratively speaking, a taste of the whip first: he urged Hitler
to order heavy air raids on some big city like Liverpool; an invasion
must be regarded only as a last resort. Hitler refused to unleash the Luftwaffe
against Britain. - p. 316

And:

Defeating Russia was therefore vital; defeating Britain was not. On July
16 Hitler, without noticeable enthusiasm, accepted Jodl’s draft order to the
Wehrmacht to prepare an invasion of Britain ‘and if need be carry it out.’
But the navy was more circumspect. The consequent withdrawal of a thousand
heavy barges from the German inland waterways would paralyse large
sections of industry; in addition, adequate local air superiority was a sine
qua non for any invasion operation. On the fifteenth the OKW had orally
asked the commanders in chief whether everything could theoretically be
ready by August 15; on his arrival now in Berlin Hitler learned from Raeder
that this would be quite impossible. Nonetheless the Führer ordered the
stage to be set – the transport ships and crews were to be marshalled along
the Channel coast in full view of the British. His aim was transparent, for
the Luftwaffe meanwhile operated with a decorum and restraint hardly compatible
with the strategic objective of fighting for air supremacy. - p. 319

And:

Before the day was over Hitler confidentially assured the sixty-five-yearold
von Rundstedt, now a field marshal, that he had not the slightest real
intention of launching a cross-Channel invasion. He also evidently repeated
to Brauchitsch his demand that the general staff properly explore a Russian
campaign. - p. 320

52

Posted by Captainchaos on August 07, 2009, 06:16 PM | #

all members of our race would have received equal treatment under German occupation (see next) as evidenced by Hitler’s differentiated attitude towards Slavs and those considered tio be Nordic.

And then:

The available evidence certainly indicates that Britain’s eventual fate in a German-controlled Europe would have more closely resembled that of Poland

So by implication, the English, a Nordic people whom Hitler admired, would have merely faced wartime deprivations whilst the Polish would have faced outright extermination?  LOL!  Where do you get this shit?  Oh, wait, I know, as an Englishman you think it best those filthy Krauts carry the racial guilt, as you triangulate against their alleged sins.

In May 1940, following the Norwegian debacle, Neville Chamberlain failed to obtain a decisive-enough vote of confidence following an open debate in Parliament and was thus obliged to resign in order that a more able successor might take over the reins.

 

It was none other than the First Lord of the Admiralty, that bought bitch of the Jews, Winston Churchill, who was responsible for said disaster.  Not much more can be said for same’s military strategies as warlord upon becoming Prime Minister.

53

Posted by Frank on August 07, 2009, 07:29 PM | #

“filthy Krauts”

The origin of my calling you a damned Kraut a few weeks ago was your attachment to WWII Germany, not a deep seated racial hatred. I don’t know about Spencer and Gottfried and GW, but most people aren’t secretly wanting to harm Germany. In America we’re figuring how to save America, in England that state, etc. Who but Jews hate Germans?

54

Posted by Dan Dare on August 07, 2009, 07:30 PM | #

Per David Irving:

… Before the day was over Hitler confidentially assured the sixty-five-year old von Rundstedt, now a field marshal, that he had not the slightest real intention of launching a cross-Channel invasion.

The day being July 19th, the date of Hitler’s famous ‘peace offering’ speech to the members of the Reichstag. Curiously though, Hitler doesn’t seem to have shared his confidential assurances about the invasion non-event with von Brauchitsch, Keitel or Jodl and the rest of the lads.

The occupation plans referred to above were prepared by OKH during August and early September. On August 13th Jodl as chief of OKW operations staff issued the Summary of the Situation referring to the Invasion of the United Kingdom which directed that:

I am in agreement with the Army (OKH) [ie von Brauchitsch – Ed.] that it is essential that:
(a)  Landing must be simultaneous from Folkestone to Brighton Bay
(b)  Within four days days 10 divisions must be landed
(c)  Within the succededing four days at least three divisions with complete equipment shall follow even if sea conditions do not permit the use of barges, while troops landed further to the west will reinforced by airborne troops

op. cit. p. 22

I can just picture der Chef laughing up his sleeve at the thought of OKW/OKH tearing around like blue-arsed flies and all for nowt.

In the meantime, Jodl’s own boss Keitel was fiddling around himself on the following busy-work which he issued on September 3rd:

1. The earliest date for
(a)  The departure of the transport fleets will be September 20th
(b)  S Day (invasion day) will be 21 September 1940
2. The order for the start of the operation will be given S-10 days, probably on 11 September 1940
3. The final decision on S day and S time (beginning of the first landing) will follow at the latest on S-3 day at noon
4. All measures will be taken so that the operation can still be held in suspense 24 hours before S time

op. cit. p. 25


The best laid plans and all that.

55

Posted by Captainchaos on August 07, 2009, 08:24 PM | #

I can just picture der Chef laughing up his sleeve at the thought of OKW/OKH tearing around like blue-arsed flies and all for nowt.

Good grief Dan.  Could it have been anything similar to this?

Admirers of Britain’s ruling class will have a tough time explaining away a shocking top-secret document from July 1972,1 released in 2003 by Britain’s Public Records Office. The 21-page document, or appendix—of which there were only 10 copies produced—was a closely held “contingency plan” by the then-government of “Conservative” British Prime Minister Edward Heath (PM from June 19,
1970 to March 4, 1974).

The plan would have ordered the forcible removal of 200,000 to 300,000 Irish Catholics out of Northern Ireland and into the Republic of Ireland. Protestants would also be forced to migrate. A total of one-third of Northern Ireland’s population would be shuffled around.

The appendix states categorically that such a plan could not be accomplished peacefully and would require complete ruthlessness “in the use of force.”

The document, Redrawing the Border and Population
Transfer, was signed by Sir Burke Trend, Heath’s cabinet secretary (in office from 1963 to 1973). It was written jointly by representatives of the foreign secretary, the defense secretary and the British secretary for Northern Ireland, among others. - Michael Collins Piper, Barnes Review

The best laid plans and all that.

And yet neither came to pass.  What is a chap to think?

56

Posted by Lurker on August 07, 2009, 08:28 PM | #

Those invasion plans - Keitel’s statement I presume then was written in August (very early September). He must have been aware how the Battle of Britain was going (even with the most optimistic Luftwaffe spin) and that those invasion dates were totally unrealistic. No sign of the RAF being defeated and the RN entirely intact - no invasion possible.

57

Posted by Dan Dare on August 07, 2009, 09:05 PM | #

Of course reality did eventually begin to break through. On September 17th Hitler finally postponed the operation ‘until further notice’.

But back to Danzig…


@Dasein:

On the question of Danzig vs Lebensraum as the principal objective for the invasion of Poland, what is your take on the so-called Schmundt-Mitschrift, which provides a record of a gathering in the Reichs Chancellery on 23.5.39. Adolf Hitler is quoted as saying:

“Danzig ist nicht das Objekt, um das es geht. Es handelt sich für uns um Arrondierung des Lebensraumes im Osten und um Sicherstellung der Ernährung ... In Europa ist keine andere Möglichkeit zu sehen.”

Danzig is not the objective in question. For us it concerns a consolidation of living area in the East and the guarantee of foodstuffs … There is no other visible possibility in Europe


Source

58

Posted by Captainchaos on August 07, 2009, 09:07 PM | #

Self-evidently, if Hitler had wanted to crush Britain utterly at that time, he could have done so, if he were willing to bear any cost required.  He did not, therefore he did not want to.  The same cannot be said of the British vis-a-vis Germany, teaming with the Bolsheviks to do as such, for God’s sake.  Just what moral depravity, or gullibility, would convince a free-thinking White man to lustily imbibe the lie of especial German guilt concerning WWII other than the cynical pursuit of his EGI?

But it may be objected, “We cannot carry the cross of our true guilt, for it is too heavy, and we are already so weak.”  To which I would reply, “Yes, I do understand, not all can be German.”

59

Posted by Captainchaos on August 07, 2009, 10:06 PM | #

For us it concerns a consolidation of living area in the East and the guarantee of foodstuffs

What does any good barrister do?  Ah yes.  If he can’t argue the law, he argues the facts.  That failing, I wonder when the table pounding will begin?  Those filthy Krauts were willing to forgo naval parity so England’s national self-determination would not be jeopardized.  But were Krauts justified in seeking same via the guarantor of foodstuffs?  Never.  And why is that?  Well, I Dare say it is because of the “moral superiority” vested in the English by themselves.

60

Posted by Desmond Jones on August 07, 2009, 10:37 PM | #

Look to the populations of Denmark, Holland and Belgium in the moment of their liberation if you want to know whether people desire to be free, to have rights as individuals and as sovereign nations, to live under their own governments and their own laws, and not to live as untermenschen in their own land.

Or the Austrians. Of the course the point is moot because this is not why England went to war.

Ask yourself if, given our liberation one day from the injustice and danger which confront us now, you would support a party that totalises and imposes a dictatorship, militarises society, evicts neighbouring populations or, if it doesn’t do that, installs puppet governments to rule them, and so on.

Like Stalin’s Jews in Poland?

It’s pap of little consequence because England condoned those very actions by their Soviet ally. Dictatorship, eviction, starvation, puppet governments and mass murder (Katyn Forest) all sanctified by English governments. One law for Fritz and another for Jacob and Ivan.

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone—Greece with its immortal glories—is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

61

Posted by Captainchaos on August 07, 2009, 10:49 PM | #

Even der Chef wondered at the moral confidence of the English as they wielded their White supremacy without batting an eyelid.  It is not a deep mystery.  If you act like you’re da shit, most will believe you are da shit.  But somewhere along the line there was a crack in the cosmic egg.  We are here given to believe that the race-replacement genocide of Europeans was not an inevitable outcome of the defeat of National Socialist Germany in the Second World War.  And yet also given to believe that even sans Jews, the inevitable outcome of liberalism would have yielded same.  But what was there in England, or the rest of the West for that matter, to check the march of liberalism’s inevitable outcome?  If the answer is nothing but a few debased Krauts, hopped up on their “palingeneticism”, I can see how that might rankle.  So, NS Germany was destroyed, the bell cannot be unrung, and there we have it, eh?  English nationalism can succeed now, on its own terms for the most part - triangulating against those filthy Krauts, you know how it goes - a rising tide lifts all boats.  If so, all well and good, I say.  But, if indeed, as I suspect is the case, the Limey is pegged to the Kraut, on the Hollowhoax exchange, all bets just might be off. 

That is my point.

62

Posted by Lurker on August 07, 2009, 11:02 PM | #

the Limey is pegged to the Kraut, on the Hollowhoax exchange

Great line CC!

63

Posted by PAN-WHITE NATIONALISM on August 08, 2009, 03:20 AM | #

But then there is this, a salvific vision of greatness articulated by Himmler, as recounted in the memoir of Latvian Waffen-SS man Artur Silgailis: - He (Himmler) then singled out those nations which he regarded as belonging to the German family of nations and they were: the Germans, the Dutch, the Flemish, the Anglo-Saxons, the Scandinavians and the Baltic people. ‘To combine all of these nations into one big family is the most important task at the present time’ (Himmler said). ‘This unification has to take place on the principle of equality and at that same time has to secure the identity of each nation and its economical independence, of course, adjusting the latter to the interests of the whole German living space. . . After the unification of all the German nations into one family, this family. . . has to take over the mission to include, in the family, all the Roman nations whose living space is favored by nature with a milder climate…I am convinced that after the unification, the Roman nations will be able to persevere as the Germans…This enlarged family of the White race will then have the mission to include the Slavic nations into the family also because they too are of the White race . . . it is only with such a unification of the White race that the Western culture could be saved from the Yellow race…

That is exactly the type of “pan-White nationalism” pushed for by Lowell and others.  Good stuff.

64

Posted by PAN-WHITE NATIONALISM on August 08, 2009, 03:30 AM | #

Guessedworker: “Unfortunately, CC, no one bothered to ask the other “Germans” if they wanted this ... if Irishmen and Norwegians, Bretons and Danes wanted to saved this way from “the Yellow Race”.  The attempt to force Europe’s nations into the EU suffers from the same defect.  Nobody wants it.”

Fine then - the White race will continue down the path of ignorant, suicidal individualism and they will eventually be overtaken by more collective and cooperative racial/ethnic groups, especially Asiatic “Yellows.”

This is happening right now - can’t anyone see that?  In only a few decades we here in the Americas could be living just as John Hersey predicted back in the 1965 novel he wrote about American Whites becoming persecuted slaves of their Asiatic masters.

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Posted by Dasein on August 08, 2009, 03:38 PM | #

Dan, my take is that, even if this document is authentic, it does not change the fact of Polish intransigence on the question of Danzig.  I say ‘if it is authentic’ because it is my understanding that some have questioned its trustworthiness.  Schlundt died in 1944 and could not attest to its authenticity, and others who were at the meeting have disputed the conclusions from the document, which made its appearance at the Nuremberg (show) trials.  But even if we accept it as authentic, it does not provide a sensible rationale for the Polish and British actions as regard Danzig.

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Posted by Dan Dare on August 08, 2009, 08:21 PM | #

OK Dasein, I’m happy to let Schmundt lie in view of the controversy surrounding its authenticity (almost never a fruitful avenue of inquiry, in my experience), and would like to return to the challenge you set earlier concerning evidence for the British position on Danzig.

Your own opening piece cites several prominent British politicians and diplomats who commented on the injustices of Versailles in general and on Danzig in particular. I later cited Taylor on Foreign Secretary Halifax and David Irving on Horace Wilson, Head of the Civil Service and Chamberlain’s éminence grise. Even though neither Taylor nor Irving have ever been accused of being court historians, it’s still not enough it seems. Must try harder!

Before ditching Taylor as ‘unbalanced’, I’d like to give him another brief outing before turning to something completely different. On pp 234-5 of Origins we read (emphasis added):

Decision therefore rested with the British; or rather it was dictated to them by the Anglo-Polish alliance. They could not escape from this even if they would. Not only were they the prisoners of their own public opinion. They recognised that. by retreating from it. they would merely return to the difficulties which they were in before. They were ready, even eager, to give way over Danzig; but only on condition that Hitler then settled down to peace. He would be satisfied only if he received Danzig without conditions. In any case, the Poles refused to yield an inch. The British discovered belatedly that Beck had been ‘rather less than frank’ in regard to Danzig: he had given them the impression that there was no immediate problem, when in fact Hitler was already pressing his demands. They used this as an excuse to ask that Beck should keep them better informed in future; and added a reminder that the guarantee would come into operation only ‘if the Polish Government decided to offer resistance in a case where Polish independence was “clearly” threatened’. I Here was a cautious hint that Great Britain was not committed to maintaining the status quo at Danzig.

Taylor indicates that the ‘cautious hint’ that Danzig might be placed outside of the terms of the guarantee was issued by Halifax on May 3rd, so clearly the British were ‘ready and eager’ to hand over Danzig quite early on.

The next source I am going to cite will no doubt meet with general opprobrium in certain quarters since it comes from none other that Richard ’Skunky’ Evans, David Irving’s erstwhile courtroom adversary and bête noire. This from the second volume of Evans’ Third Reich Trilogy, The Third Reich in Power:

Ribbentrop’s poor reputation in Britain was clearly frustrating his attempt to win Chamberlain round. Sidelining his Foreign Minister for the moment, Hitler turned to Goering, who had always enjoyed a better reputation in London. Goering’s Swedish friend Birger Dahlerus was sent to take further soundings in the British capital. They elicited the response, delivered by Henderson on 28 August 1939, that the British government was willing to guarantee peacefully negotiated German-Polish boundaries and to support the return of the German overseas colonies mandated to the League of Nations in the 1919 Peace Settlement, but that the British were still committed to back Poland by force of arms should the Germans invade.

pp 697-8

Evans cites Ian Kershaw and Peter Neville’s biography of Sir Nevile Henderson as his sources, and it is from the former that I tracked down a source for the message that Henderson delivered to Hitler on 28.8.39. It can be seen in facsimile form here. Although couched in diplomatic language, its message is clear: Don’t attack Poland and we can do business on Danzig and other territorial questions; attack Poland and all bets are off.

I think that concerns about Polish truculence and intransigence are really beside the point. The two principal actors in this performance were Germany and Britain, everyone else including the Poles (and the French) were spear-carrying supernumeraries. The British clearly felt confident of reining in the Poles and Germany had no reason to feel threatened militarily and did not. They knew the Poles would be a push-over but gambled, recklessly, that the British would not honour their ‘blank cheque’.

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Posted by Desmond Jones on August 08, 2009, 09:53 PM | #

The two principal actors in this performance were Germany and Britain, everyone else including the Poles (and the French) were spear-carrying supernumeraries.

Is that just Master Dare’s opinion or is there an evidential basis for the assertion.

Hoggan clearly disagrees.

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Posted by Dan Dare on August 08, 2009, 10:18 PM | #

Without verifiable references to his sources, Hoggan is practically worthless.

But even so, where exactly does he provide evidence contrary to my assertion, which is supported by the sources cited including the British government’s communication to Hitler which you don’t appear to have troubled yourself to read.

Sorry to have to ask you to expend a little effort beyond your customary drive-by commentary.

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Posted by Desmond Jones on August 08, 2009, 11:54 PM | #

Little effort is needed to undermine your empty assertion that the Poles were not players in the Danzig game. Why don’t you answer the question? Where’s the evidence that the Poles were only “spear-carrying supernumeraries.” If the Poles were just spear chuckers, why wasn’t the Danzig issue settled much earlier? The answer is you don’t have any evidence.

Put up or shut up.

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Posted by Frank on August 09, 2009, 12:34 AM | #

One thing to consider: the yellow and white races are both civilised and relatively pure. Relative to the brown masses, they’ve got potentially common goals of keeping the tide back and preserving who they are.

Resources will grow increasingly limited, and competition for them will grow fierce; but the white and yellow wouldn’t necessarily always be competitors. Presently, the Jews and nonJewish globalists are enemies of both.

Those who wish to remain pure v. those who wish to mix and globalise. That’s a potential divide. The nobles v. the untouchables.

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Posted by Dan Dare on August 09, 2009, 01:12 AM | #

Desmond:

International diplomacy is not, as you seem to believe, a matter of putting up or shutting up, but rather a matter of nuance and finesse.

I can see immediately that you are an aficiando of the von Brickendrop school of diplomacy ...

...Ribbentrop was a social-climbing champagne [Sekt, actually Ed.] salesman who bumbled his way into Hitler’s inner circle relatively late, but thereafter his ascent was as rapid as it was ridiculous. By 1936 this anglophile had been appointed ambassador to London—Germany’s most crucial diplomatic posting [What could der Chef have been thinking of -Ed.]. His tenure there did not go well. While presenting his credentials to George VI he gave the Nazi salute (such antics soon earned Ribbentrop the sobriquet “Ambassador Brickendrop” from the cartoonist David Low). Reflecting the consensus of the establishment, one British diplomat declared, “He says less in longer time than anyone I have met.”

Once again, have you taken the trouble to read the 28.8.39 communiqe from HMG to Herr Hitler? Your gormless response would indicate not.

Do please advise.

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Posted by Ganesh on August 09, 2009, 11:28 AM | #

That is very true Frank. Yellow and Whites vs the darker rabble.

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Posted by Dasein on August 10, 2009, 06:28 AM | #

Taylor indicates that the ‘cautious hint’ that Danzig might be placed outside of the terms of the guarantee was issued by Halifax on May 3rd, so clearly the British were ‘ready and eager’ to hand over Danzig quite early on.

I wouldn’t consider indicating via a cautious hint to be a clear indication of being ready and eager.  And England’s wishes with regards to Danzig are a side issue.  What’s important is the guarantee to Poland that contributed to its intransigence on Danzig.  Taylor himself says it in your quote:

In any case, the Poles refused to yield an inch.

But let’s say that this is true about Britain being ready and eager to hand over Danzig quite early on.  Doesn’t that contradict your claim that the Polish were “spear-carrying supernumeraries”?  And if England had been eager to have its mercenary state turn over Danzig from an early date, why should Germany have taken the 28.8.39 communique seriously?

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Posted by Dasein on August 10, 2009, 10:32 AM | #

The ongoing threat to economic existence (Part III) (General Schultze-Rhonhof)

Translated, with images and links added by Dasein

The Free City of Danzig as well as East Prussia suffered between 1921 and 1939 due to the territorial isolation created by Versailles

The disputes between the Free City of Danzig and the Polish republic continued until the outbreak of war in 1939.  In 1933 alone, the council of the League of Nations in Geneva became involved in 106 incidents involving Danzig and Poland.  It came to a head in the summer of 1939 during the custom inspectors dispute, which nearly led Poland to declare war in August.

As justification for the separation of Danzig from Germany was the carrying out of US president Woodrow Wilson’s promise that after the war Poland should have unhampered access to the sea and thus should receive a port on the Baltic.  Article 104 of the Treaty of Versailles, as well as the later Treaty of Paris of November 9, 1929, established Poland’s right of access to the Danzig harbour.  The first high commissioner of the League of Nations, Sir Richard Haking, told Poland in 1921 when he was arranging the expansion of the city’s harbour, that along with the accorded rights came certain responsibilities.  He wrote that Poland’s right at any time and under any conditions to ship and receive good in Danzig was the duty to make full use of the harbour, independent of whether Poland should, in the future, build other ports on the Baltic.  Thereby the economic future of the Danzig harbour was to be secured.


Gdingen (Gdynia) in 1938

In fact, Poland, in 1928, built a new, artificial port near the fishing village of Gdingen [NS Germany renamed it to Gotenhafen in 1939], 20 kilometres north of Danzig and used exceptional tax breaks, with a duration of up to 25 years, to lure public enterprises and trading companies away from the Danzig harbour.  Danzig’s old harbour did experience a boom from 1926 to 1932.  However, after 1932 import and export business fell by almost half of the previous year and up till the outbreak of war would not again reach full capacity.  Poland clearly had no more need for a transit harbour in Danzig, removing the grounds for the separation of Danzig from Germany.  Nevertheless, the victors did not of their own accord return Danzig to Germany.  Poland too, despite not needing the harbour [by 1938 Gdingen was the largest and most modern port on the Baltic- ed] and not meeting its obligations to use it to full capacity, did not concede its right to the Free City.  Rather, the Polish government said that the return Danzig to Germany would be grounds for war.


Polish president Ignacy Moscicki (front, hat removed) and Commander in Chief of the Polish navy, Jozef Unrug (reaching to his side), on board gunship in Gdynia, 1937


Another problem, that turned out to be a cause for war in 1939, was the German wish for extra-territorial transport routes from central Germany into East Prussia, separated since 1921- the so-called corridor question.  This wish did not appear out of the blue.  East Prussia was connected, based on two treaties, to Pomerania and Silesia via eight rail lines travelling over Polish territory.  Based on the treaties, the transit costs were to be paid in Zloty, which was not a problem at first.  During and after the Great Depression, however, Germany no longer took in enough Zloty through foreign trade.  In order to pay the costs, German officials paid the outstanding balance in Reichsmarks.  However, Poland took this as a treaty violation, which according to strict interpretation of the treaties it was, and as of 1936, as punishment, began shutting down one rail connection after another.  67% of the rail transport, however, served the energy demands of East Prussia.  It provided coal from Upper Silesia for industry, commercial, and private use in the isolated province.  Coal, at that time, was the energy source that oil and gas are today.

Finally, the Polish side threatened that continuing non-payment of Zloty would result in the closure of the last connection between East Prussia and central Germany.  Thus would East Prussia be cut off from its energy supplies and economic ruin would be assured, as it was almost two decades later in Berlin during the Soviet blockade.  Thus arose in the German economic ministry the idea to avoid paying Zloty by negotiating extra-territorial transport connections from Pomerania to East Prussia, which would be under German control.  At the talks to solve the problem, opened by the Germans in October of 1938, initial willingness to negotiate on the part of Polish would soon give way to insuperable resistance.


Hitler on a surprise inspection of the Bismarck and Tirpitz in Gotenhafen, May 1941, 3 weeks before the Bismarck was to sink

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Posted by Dan Dare on August 10, 2009, 09:56 PM | #

Dasein said:

I wouldn’t consider indicating via a cautious hint to be a clear indication of being ready and eager.  And England’s wishes with regards to Danzig are a side issue.  What’s important is the guarantee to Poland that contributed to its intransigence on Danzig.  Taylor himself says it in your quote:

In any case, the Poles refused to yield an inch.

Cautious hints are part of the coded language that diplomats use to communicate with each other. Diplomatic dialogue is notoriously circumlocutory, even obscurantist, but those schooled in it can easily decode the underlying message that might elude a layman, or even your common-or-garden politician.

To claim that England’s wishes with regard to Danzig were insignificant in the face of Polish intransigence is to ignore the political, military and geo-strategic realities of the period in question. 

But let’s say that this is true about Britain being ready and eager to hand over Danzig quite early on.  Doesn’t that contradict your claim that the Polish were “spear-carrying supernumeraries”?

I don’t see why it should. I’m not aware of any constituency in Britain that would have supported a war with Germany over Danzig, there is simply no evidence to suggest otherwise.

And if England had been eager to have its mercenary state turn over Danzig from an early date, why should Germany have taken the 28.8.39 communiqué seriously?

That would hardly have been the first time that Hitler was made aware of the British attitude towards Danzig (and other festering post-Versailles territorial disputes). In his biography of Halifax, The Holy Fox, Andrew Roberts relates how the matter came up during the visit of Halifax and Chamberlain to Berchtesgaden in September 1938, quoting Halifax as saying to Hitler:

… “All other questions fall into the category of possible alterations in the European order which might be destined to come about with the passage of time. Amongst these questions were Danzig, Austria and Czechoslovakia. England was interested to see that any alterations should come through the course of peaceful evolution and that methods should be avoided that caused far-reaching disturbances”

Roberts then comments:

… [Thus] it was Halifax, not Hitler, who first mentioned by name the areas where the Versailles Treaty might be reinterpreted to Germany’s benefit. Of course Halifax hedged his message with qualifying phrases such as ‘possible alterations, etc., but Hitler had little difficulty in seeing through the diplomatic language… Halifax effectively told Hitler that so far as the British Government was concerned, parts of the Versailles Treaty could be up for review, so long as force were not employed. [p.71]

Before leaving Roberts and Halifax I just can’t resist including an anecdote that appears on p.70:

… The entire initiative was nearly wrecked before it had begun when the immensely tall Halifax, when getting out of the car at Berchtesgaden, mistook the diminutive Hitler for a footman. He was about to hand him his hat and coat when an agitated von Neurath hissed into his ear ”Der Führer, der Führer!”. Fortunately his host had not noticed the gaffe.

So there we have it Dasein. I don’t wish to impede the progress of your narrative any further so this will be the last comment from me on the British attitude towards Danzig. I’ll leave the final word on the matter to you.

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Posted by Desmond Jones on August 10, 2009, 11:32 PM | #

Speech made by M. Beck, the Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs in Parliament on May 5, 1939.

[In the interest of brevity, only the Danzig references are quoted.]

14. To make a proper estimate of the situation, we should first of all ask the question, what is the real object of all this? Without that question and our reply, we cannot properly appreciate the character of German statements with regard to matters of concern to Poland. I have already referred to our attitude towards the West. There remains the question of the German proposals as to the future of the Free City of Danzig, the communication of the Reich with East Prussia through our province of Pomorze, and the further subjects raised as of common interest to Poland and Germany.

15. Let us, therefore, investigate these problems in turn.

16. As to Danzig, first some general remarks. The Free City of Danzig was not invented by the Treaty of Versailles. It has existed for many centuries as the result—to speak accurately, and rejecting the emotional factor—of the positive interplay of Polish and German interests. The German merchants of Danzig ensured the development and prosperity of that city, thanks to the overseas trade of Poland. Not only the development, but the very raison d’être of the city has been due to the formerly decisive fact of its situation at the mouth of our only great river, and to-day to its position on the main waterway and railway line connecting us with the Baltic. This is a truth which no new formulae can obliterate. The population of Danzig is to-day predominantly German, but its livelihood and prosperity depend on the economic potential of Poland.

17. What conclusions have we drawn from this fact? We have stood and stand firmly on the ground of the rights and interests of our sea-borne trade and our maritime policy in Danzig. While seeking reasonable and conciliatory solutions, we have purposely not endeavoured to exert any pressure on the free national, ideological and cultural development of the German majority in the Free City.

18. I shall not prolong this speech by quoting examples. They are sufficiently well-known to all who have been in any way concerned with the question. But when, after repeated statements by German statesmen, who had respected our standpoint and expressed the view that “this provincial town will not be the object of a conflict between Poland and Germany,” I hear a demand for the annexation of Danzig to the Reich, when I receive no reply to our proposal of the 26th March for a joint guarantee of the existence and rights of the Free City, and subsequently I learn that this has been regarded as a rejection of negotiations—I have to ask myself, what is the real object of all this?

19. Is it the freedom of the German population of Danzig, which is not threatened, or a matter of prestige—or is it a matter of barring Poland from the Baltic, from which Poland will not allow herself to be barred?

20. The same considerations apply to communication across our province of Pomorze. I insist on the term “province of Pomorze.” The word “corridor” is an artificial invention, for this is an ancient Polish territory with an insignificant percentage of German colonists.

21. We have given the German Reich all railway facilities,  we have allowed its citizens to travel without customs or passport formalities from the Reich to East Prussia. We have suggested the extension of similar facilities to road traffic.

22. And here again the question arises—what is the real object of it all?

23. We have no interest in obstructing German citizens in their communication with their eastern province. But we have, on the other hand, no reason whatever to restrict our sovereignty on our own territory.

24. On the first and second points, i.e., the question of the future of Danzig and of communication across Pomorze, it is still a matter of unilateral concessions which the Government of the Reich appear to be demanding from us. A self-respecting nation does not make unilateral concessions. Where, then, is the reciprocity? It appears somewhat vague in the German proposals. The Chancellor of the Reich mentioned in his speech a triple condominium in Slovakia. I am obliged to state that I heard this proposal for the first time in the Chancellor’s speech of the 28th April. In certain previous conversations allusions were merely made to the effect that in the event of a general agreement the question of Slovakia could be discussed. We did not attempt to go further with such conversations, since it is not our custom to bargain with the interests of others. Similarly, the proposal for a prolongation of the pact of non-aggression for twenty-five years was also not advanced in any concrete form in any of the recent conversations. Here also unofficial hints were made, emanating, it is true, from prominent representatives of the Reich Government. But in such conversations various other hints were made which extended much further than the subjects under discussion. I reserve the right to return to this matter if necessary.

25. In his speech the Chancellor of the Reich proposes, as a concession on his part, the recognition and definite acceptance of the present frontier between Poland and Germany. I must point out that this would have been a question of recognising what is de jure and de facto our indisputable property. Consequently, this proposal likewise cannot affect my contention that the German desiderata regarding Danzig and a motor road constitute unilateral demands.

Sure sounds like intransigence in that Colonel Blimp, circumlocutory, obfuscatory kind of way thatgarden variety bumpkins don’t grasp as well as their betters.

*The British War Blue Book: Miscellaneous No. 9 (1939) Documents concerning German-polish Relations and the Outbreak of Hostilities between Great Britain and Germany on September 3, 1939

Book by Great Britain. Foreign Office; Farrar & Rinehart, 1939

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Posted by Desmond Jones on August 10, 2009, 11:40 PM | #

No. 18.

Anglo-Polish communiqué issued on April 6, 1939.

The conversations with M. Beck have covered a wide field and shown that the two Governments are in complete agreement upon certain general principles.

It was agreed that the two countries were prepared to enter into an agreement of a permanent and reciprocal character to replace the present temporary and unilateral assurance given by His Majesty’s Government to the Polish Government. Pending the completion of the permanent agreement, M. Beck gave His Majesty’s Government an assurance that the Polish Government would consider themselves under an obligation to render assistance to His Majesty’s Government under the same conditions as those contained in the temporary assurance already given by His Majesty’s Government to Poland.

Like the temporary assurance, the permanent agreement would not be directed against any other country but would be designed to assure Great Britain and Poland of mutual assistance in the event of any threat, direct or indirect, to the independence of either. It was recognised that certain matters, including a more precise definition of the various ways in which the necessity for such assistance might arise, would require further examination before the permanent agreement could be completed.

It was understood that the arrangements above mentioned should not preclude either Government from making agreements with other countries in the general interest of the consolidation of peace.

If any threat, then why was war not declared upon the Soviet invasion of Poland? Why only the Germans?

*The British War Blue Book: Miscellaneous No. 9 (1939) Documents concerning German-polish Relations and the Outbreak of Hostilities between Great Britain and Germany on September 3, 1939

Book by Great Britain. Foreign Office; Farrar & Rinehart, 1939 p.49

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Posted by Dasein on August 11, 2009, 06:55 AM | #

Dan, you’re welcome to continue commenting, I don’t feel that anything is being impeded.  I do think though that we are talking past one another to some degree.  I am not so interested in (or even disputing) whether England wanted , or was perhaps even eager, to have Danzig returned to Germany.  That may very well have been the case.  The point is that, for all the talk and promises, she could not persuade Poland to settle the issue, and by making promises for Poland’s defense she encouraged Polish obstinacy.  It’s a pretty tame thesis, and some of what you have written actually supports it:

That would hardly have been the first time that Hitler was made aware of the British attitude towards Danzig (and other festering post-Versailles territorial disputes). In his biography of Halifax, The Holy Fox, Andrew Roberts relates how the matter came up during the visit of Halifax and Chamberlain to Berchtesgaden in September 1938, quoting Halifax as saying to Hitler:

... All other questions fall into the category of possible alterations in the European order which might be destined to come about with the passage of time. Amongst these questions were Danzig, Austria and Czechoslovakia. England was interested to see that any alterations should come through the course of peaceful evolution and that methods should be avoided that caused far-reaching disturbances

 

This was in 1938.  So despite these assurances from Halifax and Chamberlain a year earlier, the Polish government in the summer of 1939 was still stubbornly maintaining its claim on Danzig.  What should the Gemans have made of this?

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Posted by Desmond Jones on August 11, 2009, 04:00 PM | #

Simon Newman’s treatise, March 1939, actually advocates the opposite. It was England’s intent to disrupt the negotiations ongoing between Germany and Poland over Danzig.

Documents on the Events Preceding the Outbreak of the War

Book by German Foreign Office; German Foreign Office, 1939

No. 200 Conversation of the Fuehrer with M. Beck, Polish Foreign Minister—in the Presence of the German Foreign Minister, the German Ambassador in Warsaw, and the Polish Ambassador in Berlin—Berchtesgaden, January 5, 1939

Memorandum of Dr. Schmidt, Minister Plenipotentiary

(Translation)

In opening his remarks, M. Beck stressed the fact that the September crisis of German-Polish relations had stood the test without a sign of strain. It might be that the high level of the relations last September had shown some falling off in the last few months, but, in the opinion of the Polish Government, both parties should exert themselves to remove the causes of certain difficulties which had arisen in the immediate past. M. Beck mentioned the Danzig question as one of the difficulties; he emphasized the fact that, in this case, not only the German and the Polish Governments were concerned, but also third parties, among others the League of Nations. What would be the proper course, for instance, if the League of Nations were to give up its rôle in Danzig? There were several other questions in which existing misunderstandings ought to be eliminated. One of these was the guarantee of the Czechoslovakian frontier: Should it be taken in hand immediately? Or, if at all, for what time was it contemplated? Poland was especially interested in the Carpatho-Ukrainian question. He would remind them of Marshal Pilsudski’s words about the “Balkanizing of Central Europe.” In the agitators now active in the Carpatho-Ukrainian region, Poland recognized old enemies in a new guise. She feared that the Carpatho-Ukraine might one day grow into such a centre of unrest for Poland that the Polish Government might find themselves called upon to intervene. This might result in further complications. That had been the chief reason for Poland’s efforts to attain a joint frontier with Hungary.

The Fuehrer replied that a settlement of all existing difficulties could be obtained only by a return to the fundamental spirit of German-Polish relations. As for Germany, he could say emphatically that her relations to Poland were embodied in the Non-Aggression Pact of 1934, and had not changed in the slightest since then. In the question of the CarpathoUkraine particularly, Germany had no interests on the other side of the Carpathians, and was indifferent as to what interested countries did there. The attitude adopted by Germany on the Ukrainian question in the Vienna Arbitration—an attitude which had perhaps led to certain misunderstandings—was explicable in terms of the historical development of the question. This arbitration award had been put into execution on the basis of the Hungarian demands after both parties had been heard.

His (the Fuehrer’s) desire to avoid anything which might precipitate an international conflict was the determining factor in his attitude on the Ukrainian question. Poland need have no fear that Germany had any such motives as were attributed to her in the international press.

With respect to the details of German-Polish relations, he wished once more to repeat that there had been no change in the German attitude towards Poland since 1934. To attain a final adjustment of the questions still pending between the two countries, one should not confine oneself to the rather negative Agreement of 1934, but should seek to formulate a treaty which would cover these single problems and dispose of them. For Germany there was not only the Memel question, which would be settled in a manner consonant with German views (for it looked as if the Lithuanians would be willing to co-operate in finding a sensible solution), but there was also the problem of Danzig and the Corridor, a problem that directly affected German-Polish relations. The fact that Germany felt so keenly on this matter made it extremely difficult to find a solution. In his opinion it was necessary to get out of the old grooves, and to seek a solution on completely novel lines. In the case of Danzig, for instance, one could imagine an arrangement by which, in conformity with the will of its inhabitants, the city should be reincorporated into the German body politic, but by which, as a matter of course, Polish interests would be safeguarded in every respect, particularly in the economic sphere. That indeed was in the interests of Danzig, for economically Danzig could not exist without a hinterland: therefore, the Fuehrer had in mind a formula by which Danzig would return to Germany politically, but would remain with Poland economically.

Danzig was German, would always remain German, and sooner or later would return to Germany.

As for the Corridor, which, as already mentioned, presented a grave psychological problem for Germany, the Fuehrer pointed out that the connection with East Prussia was as vital a matter for the Reich as the connection with the sea was for Poland. Here too it might be possible to find, by the use of quite novel methods, a solution that would pay due regard to the interests of both.

If means could be found to bring about a final settlement of all separate questions on such a common sense footing, whereby each partner, of course, would have to be given his full rights, then that would be the time to supplement the rather negative Declaration of 1934 by a somewhat more positive arrangement with Poland, somewhat like the agreements with France; Germany would give Poland a definite guarantee of her frontiers on a treaty basis. Poland would then have the great advantage of getting her German frontiers, including the boundaries of the Corridor, assured by treaty. The Fuehrer, in saying this, stressed once more the psychological difficulty of the Corridor problem, and the fact that only he was in a position to engineer such a solution. It was not entirely a simple matter for him to guarantee the Corridor in this way, and he would certainly meet with considerable criticism in consequence, especially from the bourgeoisie. But as a practical politician, he nevertheless believed that such a solution would be best. Once Germany had given her guarantee, one would hear as little about the Polish Corridor as one now heard about the South Tyrol or Alsace-Lorraine.

The Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs thanked the Fuehrer for his exposition of the German standpoint, and declared that Poland, too, would abide absolutely by the attitude she had maintained towards Germany till then.

Poland would continue the line of independent policy she had pursued in former years, when an attempt was made to link Poland more closely with Russia by means of an Eastern Pact. Poland, however, was not as nervous as France about increasing her security, and she placed no trust in so-called “security systems”. Their final failure after the September crisis marked a turning-point in history. But Poland could thoroughly appreciate the German point of view as expressed once more in the declaration just made by the Fuehrer. For her part she would hold fast to the old policy towards Germany.

As to German-Polish relations, he took cognizance of the wishes uttered by the Fuehrer. Nevertheless the Danzig question appeared to him extraordinarily difficult. In this connection one had to take public opinion in Poland into special account. By this he did not mean the attitude of “the coffee-house opposition.” During his seven years in office he had never paid the least attention to coffee-house opinion, and he was still in office. But he had to consider the real opinion of the nation, and this did seem to present difficulties for a solution of the Danzig question. Nevertheless, he was quite ready to think the matter over.

Colonel Beck did not enter into the other German-Polish questions broached by the Fuehrer, but concluded his remarks with a renewed confirmation of his statement that Poland’s general attitude would remain true as ever to the line followed since 1934.

Schmidt

cont’d…

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Posted by Desmond jones on August 11, 2009, 04:02 PM | #

By the end of March, after conversations with the British, the Poles moved troops to Danzig.

No. 204 The German Ambassador in Warsaw to the Foreign Office

Telegram

(Translation)

Warsaw, March 24, 1939

Definitely confirmed that three or four classes of reservists, i. e., 19111914, also 1906 and 1907 were called up on short notice from different districts. Reserve officers of technical troops called up.

Moltke
No. 205 The German Consul at Gdynia to the Foreign Office

Report

(Translation)

Gdynia, March 24, 1939

Three classes were called up at Gdynia yesterday in the morning and afternoon. The Poles were called straight from their places of employ-  ment. Among them were a large number of men who had returned from manoeuvres only a fortnight ago. It is said that classes 1910-1912 have been called up and, according to other reports classes 1912-1914. I was unable to obtain any definite information on the subject.

With the exception of one ship, the Polish Navy put to sea yesterday. Warships held target practice near Rewa the day before yesterday.

I further learned that four companies from Gdynia were billeted on the population of Putziger-Heisternest (Jastarnia) on the Hela peninsula, and are standing by for any emergency. These troops are said to have been there since Saturday. The soldiers, fully equipped for active service, left Gdynia by rail without having been informed as to their destination.

Hofmann
No. 206 The German Ambassador in Warsaw to the Foreign Office

Telegram

(Translation)

Warsaw, March 24, 1939

The calling up of reserves * already reported points to the growing influence of military circles upon the conduct of Polish foreign policy. For the time being, the Foreign Minister is still in a strong position, as is evident from the arrest of Mackiewicz, a prominent editor, who, although an adherent of Pilsudski’s, has become a bitter opponent of M. Beck. It is to be feared, however, that M. Beck will adopt a more extreme course if the threatening wave of Nationalist feeling compels him to do so.

As to British suggestions, ** which have motivated the British Ambassador’s repeated calls at the Foreign Ministry during the past few days, nothing definite has so far become known. Therefore it is impossible to say whether Polish mobilization measures were influenced by this British action, or not. A remark made by M. Arcizewiski, Under-Secretary of State, to some diplomats here, seems worth repeating in this connection. Amid various deprecatory remarks about Britain and France, who without running any risks themselves, had attempted time and again to utilize Poland for ends other than her own, he declared that Poland would never fight merely for the interests of other Powers. In other respects, too, it may be inferred from the general lines of M. Beck’s policy that Poland would only reluctantly join any general combination, or allow herself to be involved in actions which would compel her to define her position prematurely and openly. This does not mean, of course, that Poland would not accept British proposals if, as a result of the present negotiations, she saw a possibility of obtaining firm promises from Great Britain, which would augment her security. Moltke
No. 207 Memorandum of the Director of the Political Department at the Foreign Office
(Translation) Berlin, March 25, 1939The High Command of the Army called me by telephone at 11 a. m. today and gave me the following information regarding Polish mobilization measures:
1.    About 4,000 Polish troops have been concentrated near Gdynia.
2.    The force of a garrison hitherto stationed in the southern part of the Corridor have been transferred to the immediate vicinity of the Danzig frontier.
3.    Poland has mobilized three classes.

All these measures are reported to apply to the northern part of Poland only; in other parts of the country the extent of military measures taken was not yet clearly determinable.

Fürst von Bismarck
No. 208 Conversation of the German Foreign Minister With the Polish Ambassador, March 26, 1939

Memorandum

(Translation)

I received M. Lipski, the Polish Ambassador, at 12:30 p. m. today. Ambassador Lipski handed me the Polish Government’s memorandum here enclosed, which I read in his presence.

Having taken note of its contents I replied to Ambassador Lipski that, in my personal opinion, the Polish attitude could not be considered a suitable basis for a solution of the German-Polish question. The only possible solution of the problem was the reunion of Danzig with the Reich and the construction of an extra-territorial motor-road and railway connection between the Reich and East Prussia. M. Lipski replied that it was his painful duty to draw attention to the fact that any further pursuance of these German plans, especially where the return of Danzig to the Reich was concerned, meant war with Poland.

I then drew Ambassador Lipski’s attention to the reports in hand respecting the concentration of Polish troops, and warned him of the possible consequence. The Polish attitude seemed to me a peculiar reply to my recent offer of a final adjustment of German-Polish relations. If things continued like this a serious situation might soon arise. I was in a position to tell Ambassador Lipski that such action as, for example, a violation of Danzig territory by Polish troops, would be regarded by Germany in the same light as a violation of the frontiers of the Reich.

Ambassador Lipski emphatically denied that Poland had any military designs upon Danzig. The movements of military units carried out by Poland were merely precautionary measures.

I then asked Ambassador Lipski whether the Polish Government would not reconsider the German proposals as soon as the situation had become somewhat calmer, so that a solution might be reached on the basis we proposed, namely the re-union of Danzig with the Reich and an extraterritorial motor-road and railway connection. Ambassador Lipski gave an evasive answer and referred once more to the Memorandum he had handed me.

I replied to Ambassador Lipski that I would first of all report to the Fuehrer. My chief concern was to prevent the Fuehrer from gaining the impression that Poland simply did not want to come to an understanding.

Ambassador Lipski asked me to have the problem studied once more in all its aspects by the German authorities. He would decide whether there might not be prospects of reaching a solution on the basis of the Polish ideas. He added that Foreign Minister Beck, following our suggestion, would be glad to visit Berlin; but it seemed to him that all questions involved should be adequately prepared by diplomatic methods.

At the close of our conversation I made it absolutely clear to Ambassador Lipski that in my opinion the Polish proposals could not be regarded by the Fuehrer as satisfactory. According to the German conception, only the unconditional return of Danzig to the Reich, an extraterritorial connection with East Prussia, a 25 years’ non-aggression pact with frontier guarantees, and co-operation in the Slovakian question, in the form of a joint protection of this territory to be undertaken by the adjoining states, could lead to a final settlement.

von Ribbentrop

81

Posted by Dan Dare on August 11, 2009, 08:12 PM | #

I’m beginning to wonder whether Gen. Schultze-Rhonhof may have an axe to grind, since his remarks concerning rail traffic through the corridor don’t make a great deal of sense.

It’s a little unclear why eight rail lines should have been thought necessary to connect East Prussia with the rest of the Reich when prior to 1919 there were only two such lines, as indicated on this map from the Eisenbahn-Übersichtskarte zum Reichs-Kursbuch vom Sommer 1907.

Ostbahn


As far as I am aware from 1919-39 just two rail routes connected the Reich and East Prussia via the Corridor, a northerly one which carried traffic between Berlin and East Prussia via the original Preußische Ostbahn. It traversed the corridor between Konitz and Dirschau. The southerly line passed via Bromberg (inside the Corridor) via Thorn to the East Prussian border at Deutsche Eylau. There was no German rail coal traffic across the corridor from Upper Silesia, most of which had been ceded to Poland anyway in 1919. The general may be getting confused with a new rail-line, the so-called Kohlenmagistrale, that the Poles themselves contructed in the 1930s between Katowice and Gdynia, specifically to carry Polish coal intended for export.

All in all I’m afraid that this all sounds like just another manufactured grievance, designed to create tension and provide a pretext for future military aggression.

82

Posted by Desmond Jones on August 12, 2009, 02:01 AM | #

Except, there is no indication that Poland opposed additional traffic. In an addendum, attached to No. 208 Conversation of the German Foreign Minister With the Polish Ambassador, March 26, 1939 p.214, Documents on the Events Preceding the Outbreak of the War, Book by German Foreign Office; German Foreign Office, 1939, from M. Lipski to von Ribbentrop;

In the matter of through-traffic between Germany and East Prussia as well as in the matter of the Free City of Danzig, on which the two Governments have, so far, always come to an understanding, and in respect of which the German Government have now made new suggestions, the Polish Government have adopted the following attitude:
a.    The Polish Government have no interest in rendering traffic between East Prussia and the rest of Germany difficult in any way. The Polish Government have, therefore, despite numerous changes which have taken place during the last few years (e. g., transfer of payments), not only raised no difficulties with regard to preferential through railway traffic, but have also considered German interests when effecting the clearing in connection with this transit.

Starting from these considerations, the Polish Government are prepared to investigate, conjointly with the German Government, the possibilities for further simplification and facilitation of rail and motor traffic between East Prussia and the rest of Germany, in order to save German travellers using these routes unnecessary inconvenience. Technical experts could undertake to work out proposals for the realization of the above-mentioned aim.

83

Posted by Desmond Jones on August 12, 2009, 02:18 AM | #

The British War Blue Book: Miscellaneous No. 9 (1939) Documents concerning German-polish Relations and the Outbreak of Hostilities between Great Britain and Germany on September 3, 1939

Book by Great Britain. Foreign Office; Farrar & Rinehart, 1939 p.42,44

No. 16.

Memorandum communicated to the German Government by the Polish Government on May 5, 1939, in reply to the German Government memorandum of April 28, 1939. *

b.    The Polish Government were prepared to examine together with the German Government any further simplifications for persons in transit as well as the technical facilitating of railway and motor transit between the German Reich and East Prussia. The Polish Government were inspired by the idea of giving every possible facility which would permit the citizens of the Reich to travel in transit across Polish territory, if possible without any hindrances. The Polish Government emphasised that their intention was to secure the most liberal treatment possible of the German desiderata in this respect with the sole reservation that Poland could not give up her sovereignty over the belt of territory through which the transit routes would run. Finally, the Polish Government indicated that their attitude in the question of facilitating communications across Pomerania depended on the attitude of the Reich regarding the Free City of Danzig.

84

Posted by Dasein on August 12, 2009, 06:17 AM | #

Dan, it appears the confusion is due to my shoddy translation.

In the opening post, I translated:

1920 wurde dazu vertraglich festgelegt, daß die Verkehrsverbindungen nach Ostpreußen für Personen, Waren und vor allem Steinkohle aus Oberschlesien über acht Eisenbahnstrecken durch Polen laufen sollten

as

In 1920 it was established by treaty that there would be eight rail connections between East Prussia and Upper Silesia for goods, people, and above all, coal

The general says nothing about the specific origins of the connections, that was my mistake.

This was cleared up in my last post:

East Prussia was connected, based on two treaties, to Pomerania and Silesia via eight rail lines travelling over Polish territory.

As for the specific number, Wikipedia says that in 1939 there were 3 pairs of transit trains travelling daily across the Corridor.  Perhaps those are those 6 of the 8 mentioned lines.  I find it unlikely that the General would exaggerate this number in order to create a pretext for future military aggression.  If he wanted to exaggerate the dire straits of the isolated province, why would he claim there were more connections and not less?  I have to wonder why you immediately impute such motives to the General.  Maybe he’s tired of having his country saddled with the lion’s share of the blame for the start of the war and is trying to present a more balanced perspective on the causes of the war.  It doesn’t mean he’s ‘manufacturing grievance’, trying to foment a new war.  Is Pat Buchanan also trying foment war in central Europe?  Really, this is the sort of Manichean thinking you’d expect from a neocon.

85

Posted by Dasein on August 12, 2009, 06:40 AM | #

Dan, I’m also puzzled by your hostility to this very mild revisionism, given what you consider to be the underlying cause of race-replacement.

86

Posted by Dan Dare on August 12, 2009, 04:41 PM | #

Dasein, It’s a little unclear why an insistence on historical rigour should be viewed as being hostile. I’m sure you’d agree that revisionists should be held to the same (or better) standards as normative historians, and that any obvious polemics deployed in argument should be deprecated.

I actually like a bit of a dabble in revisionism myself from time to time, so would be the last to show hostility to a fellow practitioner.

Berlin 1945: Who Ordered the Flooding of the Berlin Underground Railway, and Who Did It?

87

Posted by Dasein on August 12, 2009, 05:05 PM | #

Dan, I share your concern with holding people to a high standard.

This was a legitimate request for rigour:

It’s a little unclear why eight rail lines should have been thought necessary to connect East Prussia with the rest of the Reich when prior to 1919 there were only two such lines, as indicated on this map from the Eisenbahn-Übersichtskarte zum Reichs-Kursbuch vom Sommer 1907.

As far as I am aware from 1919-39 just two rail routes connected the Reich and East Prussia via the Corridor, a northerly one which carried traffic between Berlin and East Prussia via the original Preußische Ostbahn. It traversed the corridor between Konitz and Dirschau. The southerly line passed via Bromberg (inside the Corridor) via Thorn to the East Prussian border at Deutsche Eylau. There was no German rail coal traffic across the corridor from Upper Silesia, most of which had been ceded to Poland anyway in 1919. The general may be getting confused with a new rail-line, the so-called Kohlenmagistrale, that the Poles themselves contructed in the 1930s between Katowice and Gdynia, specifically to carry Polish coal intended for export.

This was hostile and slanderous:

All in all I’m afraid that this all sounds like just another manufactured grievance, designed to create tension and provide a pretext for future military aggression.

88

Posted by Dasein on August 13, 2009, 03:06 PM | #

War against the national minorities (Part IV) (General Schultze-Rhonhof)

Translated, with images added by Dasein

In 1919, the newly created Poland was an affiliation of former German, Ukrainian, White Russian, Lithuanian, and other territories, an ethnically diverse state with 19 million Poles and 11 million whose mother tongue was not Polish [again, Rhonhof is not always explicit on race or ethnicity], including 2 million Germans.

According to the protection of minorities clause in the Treaty of Versailles, Poland from the start was supposed to guarantee the rights of its minorities.  However, the Poles quickly cancelled this protection and began to take revenge for Russification and Germanification from the period when Poland was partitioned.  However, in their forced Polonization they went far beyond that to which they themselves had been subjected, at least under German and Habsburg rule.

By 1923, the German minority had shrunk to 1.2 million.  To start, 16,000 Germans were interned as ‘enemies of the state’ in 2 concentration camps in the Posen area.  After 1922, all Germans who’d arrived since 1908 were deported.  The Germans were presented with the choice of either Poland or Germany.  The ‘opters’, as they were known in Germany and Austria, had to leave after 1925.  German speaking officials were also fired.  About half of all German schools and universities had to close.  Bilingual schooling, as far as it existed after war’s end, was made illegal.  A large portion of Germans, as well as Ukrainians, White Russians, Jews, and Austrians lost their accreditation as doctors and pharmacists and business and publishing licenses were removed.  The Polish administration also boycotted any businesses that were not Polish.

[IMG]http://i760.photobucket.com/albums/xx249/Aletheia14/Bundesarchiv_Bild_137-001164_Bentsc.jpg[/IMG]

German refugees from the Province of Posen cross the demarcation line at Bentschen, 1920

Only in November 1937 would Poland and Germany sign a bilateral treaty for the protection of minorities that was to lighten the burden of the discrimination against the German minority.

In 1938, with the unification of Austria and the Sudetenland with Germany, fears began to grow in Poland that Germany would call for the return of land and peoples that had formerly been part of the Reich.  The hostile climate for the German minority became more extreme.  Terror acts against Gemans, the destruction of German businesses, and arson attacks on German farms increased continually in early 1939.  After the return of the Memelland to Germany in Mach, the situation for Germans in Poland became altogether unbearable.

In the summer of 1939, the number of Germans who wanted to escape and leave Poland ‘illegally’ began to swell.  By the middle of August, over 76,000 had fled to Germany, with an additional 18,000 going to Danzig.  The reports of the treatment of the German minority by the Poles and the portrayal of the refugees was oil on the fire for German-Polish relations in the last weeks and days before the war broke out.  The former state secretary, Ernst von Weizsäcker, wrote in his memoirs: “Our diplomatic and consular reports showed how in 1939 the wave became continually higher and covered the original problem of Danzig and passage through the Corridor”.

From the beginning, Poland had the chance to integrate its national minorities into a new nation but did not seek it and, where it was a given, had spoiled the opportunity [I think Rhonhof is a bit naive to believe such integration was possible or desired by any of the ethnies].  No effort was made to win over the large minorities of Germans, Jews, White Russians, and Ukrainians to the nation itself.  Instead, the efforts to destroy the identity of the minorities resulted in an almost two decade long spiral of hate and terror.  Thus in 1939 no one in Germany or Russia was any longer willing to consider Poland the victim of earlier partitions and being owed anything in virtue of its history.  Now people saw them as wrongdoers against those Germans, Ukrainians, and White Russians who were burdened with the misfortune of being minorities in Poland.

[IMG]http://i760.photobucket.com/albums/xx249/Aletheia14/Poles-expulsion-1939.jpg[/IMG]

Expulsion of Polish from Posen

[IMG]http://i760.photobucket.com/albums/xx249/Aletheia14/GDR.png[/IMG]

Greater Germany, showing Warthegau, most of which was formerly Posen

[IMG]http://i760.photobucket.com/albums/xx249/Aletheia14/Bundesarchiv_R_49_Bild-0705_Polen_H.jpg[/IMG]

‘After the 18-day campaign began the most generous resettlement project in world history.’  Volksdeutsch being drawn to the newly-conquered territories.


[IMG]http://i760.photobucket.com/albums/xx249/Aletheia14/Bundesarchiv_Bild_137-068427_Warthe.jpg[/IMG]

New settlement being built over the remains of a burnt-down Polish village in Warthegau.

89

Posted by Dasein on August 13, 2009, 03:10 PM | #

I’m going to put the last half of the series together as a new entry and post it just before the anniversary.

90

Posted by George on July 31, 2011, 12:38 PM | #

Schultze-Rhonhof’s book 1939 – Der Krieg, der viele Väter hatte (1939 – The War That Had Many Fathers) has been translated in its entirety. It is available at Lulu: http://www.lulu.com/product/paperback/1939—-the-war-that-had-many-fathers/13832091?productTrackingContext=search_results/search_shelf/center/1
The English translation contains some new material not included in the German versions. Excerpts of it are available at: http://www.stormfront.org/forum/t818123/

91

Posted by Bill on November 15, 2011, 07:10 AM | #

Peter Hitchens Blog - Mail on Sunday.  14.11.2011.

Offers for discussion Max Hasting’s WWII’s All Hell Let Loose – Max Hastings on the ‘Good War’

Plenty to chew on here.

http://hitchensblog.mailonsunday.co.uk/2011/11/all-hell-let-loose-max-hastings-on-the-good-war.html

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