Justice and the Imagination

Posted by Guest Blogger on Saturday, 04 August 2012 09:16.

by Graham Lister

Agents, of both a collective and individual nature, have an interest in some state of affairs if it enables them to achieve their wants. But it is quite another thing to be aware of this interest; that entails both an ideological and imaginative transformation that allows that interest to be fully visible and informs an agent on how to potentially realise its interest. Often within our political discourse a restriction upon the exercise of a given interest or frustration of a want will be expressed in the idiom of injustice.

Precisely what are justice and injustice are obviously both, at least partially, ideologically and imaginatively forged concepts. For the ancients justice typically occupied a primary place in the pantheon of virtues. It was often conceived as the master virtue, the one that orders all the others. Plato tells us in The Republic, a just individual is one in whom the three parts of the soul - reason, spirit, appetite - and the three virtues associated with them -wisdom, courage, moderation - stand in the right relation to one another.

In the just city, a precisely analogous situation prevails each class exercises its own distinctive virtue by performing the task suitable for its nature, and none interferes with the others. Most philosophers have rejected the specifics of Plato’s view. Almost no-one today believes that the just city is one that is rigidly stratified with a permanent ruling class, a permanent military class and a permanent working class, whose lives differ from one another in all major respects. Yet many philosophers have retained the belief that justice is not simply one virtue among others, but enjoys a special status as the master or meta virtue. A version of this conception informed Rawls’ treatise, A Theory of Justice, in which he claimed that “Justice is the first virtue of social institutions, as truth is of systems of thought”. By this he did not mean that justice is the highest virtue, but rather that it is the fundamental one, the one that secures the basis for developing all of the rest. In principle, socio-political arrangements can display any number of qualities - for example, they might be efficient, orderly, harmonious, caring or ennobling. But the realisation of those possibilities depends on a prior, enabling condition, namely, that the socio-political arrangements in question be just. Justice is thus the first virtue in the following sense: it is only by overcoming institutionalised or systemic injustice that we can create the ground on which other virtues, both societal and individual, can flourish.

If Rawls is right on this general point then when evaluating socio-political arrangements, the first question we should ask is: are they just and more importantly for whom are they just? To answer, we might build on another of his insights: “the primary subject of justice is the basic structure of society”. This statement orients our attention from the great variety of immediately accessible features of social life to the deep grammar underlying them, to the institutionalised ground rules which set the basic terms of social interaction. It is only when they are justly ordered that other, more directly experienced aspects of life can also be just. Certainly, Rawls’ specific views of justice - like those of Plato - are problematic. However, it may be useful as a starting point if we endorse his basic idea that the justice is a meta virtue and that our reflections on justice should concern the basic structures of a community. To explore this approach I will examine the Anglo-Japanese author Kazuo Ishiguro’s thoughtful and beautifully written novel, Never Let Me Go.

The story follows three friends, Kathy, Tommy and Ruth, who inhabit a peculiar social-order. When we first meet them, they are children living at what appears to be a privileged English boarding school called Hailsham. As the novel unfolds, however, we discover that the children are actually clones. They have been created to provide vital organs for non-clones (the ‘originals’). In the second part of the novel, the protagonists have left Hailsham and are living at the Cottages, a forlorn transitional residence, where they await ‘training’. Now adolescents, they are preparing to begin their life’s work of ‘donation’, which will culminate after a maximum of four surgeries in ‘completion’. In the third part, the protagonists are young adults. Tommy and Ruth have become ‘donors’, while Kathy has become a ‘carer’, a clone who tends to others recovering from organ-removal surgery. After Tommy and Ruth ‘complete’, Kathy feels she cannot continue in her role. The book ends as she prepares to submit to ‘donation’ herself.

Never Let Me Go is a powerful work, which left me overcome with sadness upon first reading it. Some reviewers have interpreted it as a work of dystopian science fiction about the perils of genetic engineering; others have read it as a Bildungsroman in which young people with outsized hopes and little understanding of what is truly important in life acquire the wisdom to value relationships and accept the world as it is. Neither interpretation is wholly wrong, in my view; each captures a strand of the work. But both miss what I take to be the book’s vital core. As I read it, Never Let Me Go is a meditation on justice - a searing vision of an unjust world and of the profound suffering inflicted on its inhabitants.

What possible insights does the book offer us? First and foremost, it invites us to think about justice through negation. Unlike Plato, Ishiguro makes no attempt to represent a just social-order, but instead offers a chilling picture of one that the reader comes to view as deeply unjust and cruel. This already makes a profound point: justice is never actually experienced directly. By contrast, we do experience injustice, and it is only through this that we form an idea of justice. Only by pondering the character of what we consider unjust do we begin to get a sense of what would count as an alternative. Only when we contemplate what it would take to overcome injustice does our otherwise abstract concept of justice acquire any content. Thus, the answer to Socrates’s question, “What is justice?” can only be this: justice is the overcoming of injustice.

How, then, do we recognize injustice? If we examine the social-order portrayed in Never Let Me Go and ask why and in what respects it is unjust, we are struck by an obvious answer: this social-order is unjust because it is massively exploitative. The clones are created and maintained for the sake of the originals. They are sources of organs, walking stores of spare parts, which will be cut out of their bodies and transplanted into the bodies of originals, when needed. They live, suffer and eventually die so that the originals can live longer, healthier lives. Treated as mere means to the originals’ ends, they are accorded no intrinsic value. Their needs and interests are nullified or at best subordinated to those of the originals. The clones, in other words, do not count as subjects of justice. Excluded from consideration and respect, they are not recognized as belonging to the same moral universe as the originals.

Here Ishiguro makes an acute observation, which concerns exclusion, identity and alterity. The clones can be exempted from moral consideration because they are seen as categorically different from the originals. It is this allegedly basic, ontological otherness, that justifies their exploitation and their lifelong segregation from the originals. Their relegation to special places like Hailsham, where they live in a self-enclosed world with no outside contact, interacting only with one another and their teachers - whom Ishiguro calls, in a gesture to Plato, ‘guardians’ - serves a functional purpose. Barring direct acquaintance between clones and originals precludes experiences of similarity or affinity between them, which would contradict the assumption of ontological difference. That assumption is paradoxical, to be sure. The clones are in fact exact genetic replicas of the originals and yet a total form of differentiation along an in-group/out-group basis exists. However, their utility to the latter consists precisely in the fact that they are biologically indistinguishable from them. Granted, their subjectivity differs, as the clones have experiences and memories of their own. But genetically, the two groups stand in a relation of absolute identity, a proximity so extreme as to be uncanny, even unbearable. We can speculate that this might provoke severe anxiety; if so, it would explain the originals’ need to insist at all costs that their own ontological status is fundamentally different, and thus to legitimise the exclusion of clones from the universe of moral concern.

Nevertheless, as Ishiguro shows us, the clones in fact participate in the same scheme of social cooperation as the originals. They are subject to the same basic structure of society. The two groups operate jointly under a common set of ground rules, which dictate that the life substance of the one be placed at the disposal of the other, that it be made available for the originals’ benefit, irrespective of the harm inflicted on the clones. Thus the two groups participate in a single, shared bio-economy, a common bio-political matrix of life and death. The originals rely on the clones for their own survival; yet they deny them the standing of partners in interaction.

To us, the readers, this situation is unjust. We recognize a mismatch between the restricted circle of those who count as subjects of justice - originals only - and the larger circle of those who are jointly subject to that society’s basic structure - originals plus clones. And we deem this incongruity to be morally wrong. For us, accordingly, justice requires that all who are governed by a common set of ground rules be recognized as counting, in the sense of belonging to the same moral universe. Some participants should not be instrumentalised for the sake of others. All of them deserve equal concern. For this reason alone, the social-order portrayed in Never Let Me Go is deeply disturbing.

What makes the world portrayed in the book truly horrifying is something else: its protagonists do not perceive it as we do. The clones do not see their situation as unjust. They were created for, and socialised into, this highly treacherous order. Because it is the only community they know, its terms appear natural and normal to them. Granted, one of them, Tommy, is often angry. As a child living at Hailsham, he is prone to outbursts of temper for no apparent reason. But the others, including his closest friend Kathy, treat his rage as a personal problem. No-one, including Tommy himself, ever considers the possibility that he has good reason to be angry. All encourage him in various ways to calm down; and so he does. When we meet Tommy later, as an adolescent living at the Cottages, he has mastered his rage. All that remains is a trace of sadness - a brooding quality which suggests some inaccessible and uncomprehended inner depths.

Here Ishiguro conveys another profound intuition. Clearly, injustice is a matter of some objective measure of victimisation, a structural relation in which some exploit or abuse others and deny them moral standing as subjects of justice. But the harm is compounded when the victims lack the means to interpret their situation as unjust. This can happen by deliberate manipulation - when, for example, the beneficiaries fully understand the injustice, but hide it from those on the receiving end. However, it can also happen in a more subtle way - when, for example, the public sphere in a seemingly democratic society is dominated by individualising discourses, while structural perspectives are absent or marginalised. Or when anodyne, euphemistic and vaguely elevating terms are routinely used to refer to murderous realities - as, for example, when forcible surgical removal of bodily organs is called ‘donation’ and the associated killing is called ‘completion’. In such cases, the dominant interpretative schemas reflect the experience and serve the interests of the exploiters. Conversely, the victims of injustice have few if any words that can adequately voice their experience and even fewer ways effectively to articulate their interests as a group. The result is yet another aspect or level of injustice: the ideologically constructed means of interpretation and communication do not serve all its members equally well.

Under these conditions, the victims lack an essential condition for responding appropriately to their situation. The fitting response to injustice, we assume, is indignation. However, that response is possible only where the victims of an injustice have access to interpretative schemas that permit them to categorize their situation not simply as unfortunate, but as unjust. Failing that, they tend to blame themselves. Convinced that their inferior status is deserved, they bury their legitimate anger and tie themselves in emotional knots. Thus an injustice in the social organisation of discourse produces psychological fallout.

Never Let Me Go works through some of these repercussions. At first, during most of their years at Hailsham, the protagonists do not know they are clones. Ignorant of the terms of the social-order into which they are being inducted, they do not know that they are being raised to supply body parts for an überclass. Much of the drama of the novel’s first section inheres in a series of incidents in which the characters encounter anomalies in their situation, hints of another, darker reality underlying their relatively carefree school-days. Meanwhile, the reader, who is also initially naive, comes to understand the truth - and waits anxiously for the clones to grasp it too. However, any hopes for a cathartic revelation remain unfulfilled. The reader watches with growing consternation as the protagonists repeatedly verge on uncovering the truth, only to pull back from the brink again and again. Unable or unwilling to entertain such terrible knowledge, they ignore the hints, explain away the anomalies, and concoct increasingly convoluted rationales in order to shield themselves from a disastrous and devastating truth.

Certainly, the staff at Hailsham encourage the children’s ignorance. One teacher, momentarily overcome with sympathy for her charges, who do not after all seem so different from her, blurts out the truth and is summarily fired. She has violated the institution’s policy, which is to let the truth emerge gradually, in tiny doses, telling the clones only as much as they are deemed able to handle at a given moment. This technique is like that in the famous anecdote of the frog which, when thrown into a pot of boiling water, immediately jumps out. If, however, it is placed into a pot of cold water that is warmed gradually, the frog remains calmly inside as it boils to death. The Hailsham policy of titrating knowledge keeps the child-clones in the pot.

Eventually, they do learn the truth. But by that point, they are not disposed to feel indignation. Responding with sorrow instead of anger, the adolescent clones find their situation unfortunate, but they do not judge it - or the basic structure that underlies it - to be unjust. Nor do they contemplate collective protest or revolution. On the contrary, they latch onto the promise of escape for a lucky few. Specifically, they become obsessed with the possibility of ‘deferrals’. Another interesting choice of term, reminiscent of exemptions from the draft for university students in the US during the Vietnam War. In Never Let Me Go, word spreads amongst the clones that it is possible, under special circumstances, to postpone the start of one’s organ removal surgeries for three years. To qualify for a deferral, so the rumour goes, a clone couple must demonstrate that they are truly and deeply in love.

The notion that being in love could constitute a basis for postponing forcible surgical dismemberment is ingenious on Ishiguro’s part. This posits a link between affective individuality and intrinsic value. The premise is that a being heretofore deemed to possess only extrinsic value, and thus to be a mere means to others’ ends, can nevertheless be elevated in status, at least temporarily, into a being that is valuable and deserving of consideration in its own right. The further premise is that what enables this transmutation is the interiority and individuality of that being, as embodied in the affective experience of sharing with another in romantic love. What confers value, then, is personal subjectivity through and because of love.

The young-adult clones invest all their hopes in this idea. The rumour offers them considerably more than the promise of three more years of relative bodily integrity: it allows them to see themselves as something more than walking collections of spare body parts. It tells them instead that they are unique individuals, irreplaceable persons, each with a singular inner life (but here only through the ‘medium’ of romantic love). And where did the clones get this idea? At Hailsham, which we learn had been founded as a progressive alternative to the squalid hostels where clones had been previously stored. Squeamish about the conditions under which their biological duplicates were warehoused, sentimental liberal reformers had conceived of a special institution where clones would be educated and shown to have a soul. The school emphasized creative self-expression, encouraging the clones to produce artworks; the best, they were told, would be exhibited in an off-campus gallery. Later, when Tommy as a young man seeks to secure a ‘deferral’, he decides to make his case through the production of art. He will prove the depth of his love by displaying his paintings.

Again, Ishiguro’s insight into (in)justice is penetrating: namely, individuality is a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it is the mark of personhood and intrinsic value, the admission ticket for moral consideration. On the other hand, it is easily made into a ruse of power, an instrument of domination. When divorced from a structural understanding of an unjust social-order, individuality can become a cult object, a substitute for critical thinking and an impediment to overcoming injustice. In liberal ‘democratic’ mass-consumption societies individualism is the dominant form of ideology, the chief way in which subjects are interpellated. It is as ‘individuals’ that we are exhorted to assume responsibility over our own lives, encouraged to fulfil our deepest longings by purchasing and owning commodities, and steered away from collective action toward ‘personal solutions’ - invited to seek deferrals for our own precious, irreplaceable selves.

Ishiguro provides a masterful account of this paradox of individuality. What is most cruel and perverse about the world he portrays is that the protagonists are sold a bill of goods. Socialised to think of themselves as individuals, they cannot get past the idea, even when the truth becomes clear: they are actually collectively nothing but bags of spare parts, created to be cannibalised. The emotional climax of the novel’s closing lines, narrated by Kathy, now in her early 30s. As a ‘carer’, she has spent the last ten years nursing her fellow clones, including Tommy and Ruth. She has tended their frail and depleted bodies, successively dispossessed of one vital organ after another. She has kept them alive and available for additional ‘donations’, providing what solace she could, as if to rebut Ruth’s despairing claim that their kind were modelled from human ‘trash’. Now with both friends gone, Kathy can no longer bear to continue her work. Having decided to start ‘donations’ of her own, she anticipates ‘completion’ and looks back on the course of her life: “The memories I value most, I don’t see them ever fading. I lost Ruth, then I lost Tommy, but I won’t lose my memories of them.” Though she tries not to go searching for remnants of the past, Kathy recalls:

“The only indulgent thing I did, just once, was a couple of weeks after I heard Tommy had completed. I drove up to Norfolk, even though I had no real need to. I wasn’t after anything in particular . . . Maybe I just felt like looking at all those flat fields of nothing and the huge grey skies. At one stage I found myself on a road I’d never been on, and for about half an hour I didn’t know where I was and didn’t care . . . I found I was standing before acres of ploughed earth. There was a fence keeping me from stepping into the field, with two lines of barbed wire, and I could see how this fence and the cluster of three or four trees above me were the only things breaking the wind for miles. All along the fence, especially along the lower line of wire, all sorts of rubbish had caught and tangled. It was like the debris you get on a sea-shore: the wind must have carried some of it for miles and miles before finally coming up against these trees and these two lines of wire. Up in the branches of the trees, too, I could see, flapping about, torn plastic sheeting and bits of old carrier bags. That was the only time, as I stood there, looking at that strange rubbish, feeling the wind coming across those empty fields, that I started to imagine just a little fantasy thing . . . I was thinking about the rubbish, the flapping plastic in the branches, the shore-line of odd stuff caught along the fencing, and I half-closed my eyes and imagined this was the spot where everything I’d ever lost since my childhood had washed up, and I was now standing here in front of it, and if I waited long enough, a tiny figure would appear on the horizon across the field, and gradually get larger until I’d see it was Tommy, and he’d wave, maybe even call. The fantasy never got beyond that - I didn’t let it - and though the tears rolled down my face, I wasn’t sobbing or out of control. I just waited a bit, then turned back to the car, to drive off to wherever it was I was supposed to be.”

Kathy speaks here for all those whom the social-order simultaneously interpellates as individuals and treats as spare parts; as raw material to be used up, ground down and spat out, when the system and those that most benefit from its present form has got from them all that it wants. In another era, they were christened “the wretched of the Earth”. However, today they are too omnipresent, and too close to home, for that designation. Indeed given the prospective global favela and an associated era of neo-feudalism on a global scale (with a ‘quite happy to be cosmopolitan’ transnational elite in charge), we suspect that we ordinary, non-plutocratic, Europeans - whom are unable to buy our way out of the range of toxic externalities produced by the system - are historically well on our way to such a state of wretchedness. Yet Kathy does not issue a call to arms. Rather, she expresses all the hurt, confusion, self-deception, betrayed hopes and longing that have coursed through her short and tragic life. Above all, she makes a stubborn claim to a measure of dignity in the face of a social-order that disrespects her and her group at every turn. She persists in the effort to make meaning, even when the basic structure of her society has granted her nothing from which to fashion it except debris. It is this heart-rending mix of all-too-human emotions that makes the words of this doomed clone so moving.

But let us now leave the world of Never Let Me Go, put aside its pathos and think in a hard-headed way about what it has taught us. How might Ishiguro’s many insights be applied to our social-order? First, the strategy of approaching justice negatively, through injustice, is powerful and productive. Pace Plato, we do not need to know what justice is in order to know when something is wrong. What we need, rather, is to sharpen our sense of injustice, to cut through obfuscation and ideology. Focusing on the wrong, we need to determine why it is so and how it could be made right. Only through such a process of negative thinking can we activate the concept of justice, redeem it from the realm of abstraction, concretise it, enrich it and make it effective for this world.

To see who deserves moral consideration, we should determine who is jointly subjected to a common set of ground rules, ultimately a communality of fate which define the terms of social cooperation in matters of justice. We should question the tendency to redefine structural inequities as personal problems; scrutinise interpretations that attribute people’s unfavourable circumstances only and exclusively to their own failings; and resist efforts to dismiss bellwether emotions, like anger, which can possess diagnostic value. Thus, we should look beyond explanations grounded in methodological and ideological individualism to the broader patterns and the causal mechanisms which reproduce forms of injustice or harms to Europeans in our homelands and the ideological strategies, such as personalisation, that seek to obscure them.

We should not assume that the absence of explicit critique or overt protest means that injustice does not exist. We should understand, rather, that organised opposition to injustice depends on the availability of discursive resources and interpretative schemas that permit its articulation and open expression. We should examine the public sphere for biases that impede equal access to political voice, and figure out how to overcome them, by broadening the terms available for naming social problems and disputing their causes.

We should distrust all one-sided paeans to individuality; and beware societies that fetishise interiority and our private life at the expense of our acknowledgement as public and social beings. Ideologies that do not recognise the interdependence between the parts and the whole are not to be endorsed - if of no other reason that ultimately they profoundly distort our view of the underlying ontological realities with their obfuscation. As such those ideological delusions can only be maintained for so long without inflicting great harms upon ourselves. There is an irreducibly social aspect to our being in the world. We should reconnect subjectivity and objectivity. Finally, we should appreciate and validate the longing for a better and more secure life both individually and together – to be ‘beloved’ - and the drive to make meaning, even under the most unfavourable of circumstances that hold in our present phase of hyper-liberal modernity; and cultivate our social indignation and renew our political imagination. Let us make justice the master virtue - not only in theoria, but also in praxis. Liberalism does not exclusively own the concept; nor should anyone ever think that it did.



Comments:


1

Posted by Captainchaos on Sat, 04 Aug 2012 10:50 | #

If Rawls is right on this general point then when evaluating socio-political arrangements, the first question we should ask is: are they just and more importantly for whom are they just?

Is justice an ultimate interest or is life an ultimate interest?  It seems to me self-evident that the latter can only be seen as such since without life “justice” can neither be experienced nor pursued. 

If it is not the first question, shouldn’t “what secures life?” and not “what secures justice?” be the last question?  And doesn’t that mean, when one need choose one over the other, that securing life must always trump the realization of “justice”? 

The implications of that last question I’m sure would have caused Rawls, good liberal that he was, to shit his pants.  Oy vey, Holocaust!  Yimakh shemo, Nazis!  LOL


2

Posted by nils hellstrom on Sat, 04 Aug 2012 15:34 | #

Steven Spielberg directs Garrison Keillor in the title role of the upcoming film Rawls.


3

Posted by Silver on Sat, 04 Aug 2012 22:29 | #

The implications of that last question I’m sure would have caused Rawls, good liberal that he was, to shit his pants.  Oy vey, Holocaust!  Yimakh shemo, Nazis!  LOL

You can keep telling yourself that.  But the truth is there’s nothing preventing a good liberal from laughing in your face, because for him securing justice does secure “life” (in the broad sense, the sense in which a good liberal understands it).  Lol all you want, but he who lols last lols loudest, and on present and foreseeable trends that, bold Captain, is the good liberal.  What might change this state of affairs?  Not the rantings and ravings of a good nutzi like you, that’s for damn sure.

Lister,

Again, Ishiguro’s insight into (in)justice is penetrating: namely, individuality is a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it is the mark of personhood and intrinsic value, the admission ticket for moral consideration. On the other hand, it is easily made into a ruse of power, an instrument of domination.

Dubious.  I’ve only seen the movie, not read the novel, but are you sure that’s actually there?  How so?

 

 

 


4

Posted by daniel on Mon, 06 Aug 2012 09:53 | #

- very nice piece, Graham - excellent. Though in agreement, I am still sorting out my thoughts in corresponding observation.

...back in a few.


5

Posted by Leon Haller on Mon, 06 Aug 2012 10:11 | #

This was one of the best posts I’ve read at MR - thoughtful, serious, and, for the most part, superbly written, especially the core discussion of the novel (which, coincidentally, I had just purchased at the end of July; I have not read it yet, however, nor seen the movie). Only the ending mars its overall quality. It seems rather hurried (“We should reconnect subjectivity and objectivity”; umm, yes, I suppose so, hello?), and its Left-Utopian denunciations of “individualism” hardly necessarily follow, logically or emotionally, from the normal reader’s horror of the deliberate, institutionalized deformation of properly developed personhood practiced upon the clones. Certainly no libertarian (or liberal) would countenance the existence of a sentient “cattle class” such as imagined by Ishiguro [I assume the novel contains some passing explanation as to why the “originals’”, er, ‘spare parts’, can only be contained within cognizant, fully anatomically complete beings - why can’t a cloned liver or kidney be grown in a vat and then preserved via freezing? and why do the clones receive any education at all?].

I hope this discussion picks up and is extended for a while, as I’d like to read the novel before commenting further.


6

Posted by Graham_Lister on Mon, 06 Aug 2012 18:44 | #

@Silver

Couple of quick thoughts. I have not seen the film and have no intention to do so. Many film adaptations of novels are not true to the spirit of the source material – large dollops of artistic licence are often applied -  but even if a film attempts to be true to its source there is only so much of the texture of a novel that can be transcribed into a profoundly visual medium – inevitably much of the subtly and rich multi-layers of a text will be lost, especially from novels that are relatively sophisticated and deal with somewhat complex ideas. Not that a movie is an idea-free zone – after all the films of Terrence Malick are rich in many philosophical themes – but the medium of film inevitably conveys ideas in a very sublimated, rather inchoate and impressionistic manner than even a very subtle novel of ideas does. So if you have the time do read the novel. Even then you might reasonably disagree with my interpretation.

As for the role of individuation; it’s essentially that the near exclusive focus on one’s interior life, the reduction of all social antagonisms (which are nearly always conflicts of interests between different groups) to merely personal problems is a wonderful tool for those that play the game as a team (in their own collective interests) and yet tell everyone else to play as individuals. The British were masters of the ‘old divide and rule’ tactic during the days of the Empire. But in the context of the novel the victims do not have the grammar of differential group interests or of the social antagonism of which they are an essential element (and on the losing side). In a sense they are blind to the injustice they all individually and collectively will endure.

Of course there is an inherently individual and private aspect to the human condition which Ishiguro explores. Each human life is unique. We all might stand in the river of life, but never in precisely the same position. No two lives are ever exactly the same in all regards. But even if we enter and exit the stage as isolated individuals there is also an irreducibly social and public aspect to our being in the world. In the novel some of these ideas are explored in the idea of personalised romantic love being both the mark of worthiness – in so far as it secures a ‘deferment’ and yet the personal joy of romantic love is not enough to save the clones from their fate. It’s not a sufficiently robust enough perspective for the injustice they all will eventually suffer to be properly and fully perceived, let alone articulated – or at least Ishiguro suggested this. Why? Precisely because it is too narrowly personal, too much about our interior being in the world. It’s not quite the same ‘expansive’ or more widely conceived love of community (and themselves as a group) that is implied in the notion of Aristotelian philia – a communitarian and social (or extended) form of ‘public’ love.

Really the central questions of the novel is why don’t these people ever seriously rebel or think of collectively rebelling – even if such action is doomed to failure why not live on one’s feet, together, than metaphorically and literally die on one’s knees, in effect alone and isolated? One of the frustrations of the novel – at least for me – was why don’t the clones at least attempt to break out of institution, try to find the people responsible for the system and deal with them in the most appropriate way? However, the clones simply lack the concept that they are collectively the victims of an extreme bio-political antagonism, hence remain effectively passive. So I think one of the key themes of the novel is that unless one has the conceptual tools to ‘see’ and ‘detect’ injustice one can never ultimately recognise that state of affairs and then decide to act upon that knowledge in some way. The clones are ideologically denied the necessary imaginative resources to fully exercise their agency. Without the appropriate conceptual framework action is thus impossible. And finally that justice is more than a merely personal phenomenon.

But even aside from all of the above I do think it’s an excellent novel.


7

Posted by daniel on Mon, 06 Aug 2012 19:20 | #

.
..
I liked this piece very much and am in agreement with the emphasis on our deep and necessarily social makeup. Theoretically, I take that for granted, and was a bit sorry that Graham had not realized that in his initial comments on the Euro-DNA nation.

In fact, while I have found it useful against the present obstacles to White Nationalism to work with a quaternary system of being, socialization, selfhood and self actualization, of these, I have claimed that only socialization is real, the other three aspects are heuristic frames to facilitate critique of the present systems and European homeostasis.

Graham’s piece is timely not only in fore-fronting the essential issue of justice but that there are different aspects and kinds of justice. These different kinds of injustice may often be unarticulated as they function on a taken for granted level – of depth grammar, as it were.

These disputes are perhaps at the heart of every serious conflict. The conflicts become intransigent as they are on that taken for granted level or a level that some parties would like to take for granted. Graham highlights that really interesting feature wherein prevention of this articulation may be deliberate; and require critical overcoming; the providing of new language.

“What makes the world portrayed in the book truly horrifying is something else: its protagonists do not perceive it as we do. The clones do not see their situation as unjust.”

That is an excellent insight into the kind of thing we are up against.

In the comments on DNA nation, one gent asked whether I thought rewards should be distributed equally or based on work output. In response, I invoked the thinking of a treatise by two academic acquaintances of mine in which they discuss what they call “moral conflict.” That is, differing notions of justice at a deeper level, the level of depth grammar. I suggested to the gent, that in response to just reward for work, that I believe that among a significant part of European peoples it should be possible to work these matters out with relative justice, leaving minimum space for weasel tactics.

As I recall, two such different kinds of justice were merit according to work output and another according to need. Graham goes onto discuss justice in a different variant, according to intrinsic value based on one’s part in the social fiber – I think this is crucial matter of justice/injustice for our predicament as Europeans; it is where I was going with my argument about Being (as illustrated by hippie motivation – please, no arguments about Woodstock being a Jewish festival – not the point) as a necessary intrinsic value of White males; viz., based on their evolution and co-evolution with White women and children.

This social notion of justice that Graham uses also connects with conflicting notions of justice based on work or need as illustrated by a divorce case where the man works for money but the women argues based on her need as mother and for her children, etc.

While there are conflicting issues between Graham and Bowery that might be useful to tease apart, ironically, Bowery’s notion of distributism provides a good example of one possible way to reconcile these two different matters of justice - need and merit of tasks done. Bowery’s plan would provide distribution for the basics of a family, while those who sought more out of life would have to merit it – but still, only as it is recognized as legitimate within the social realm, obviously.

This matter of deep, social justice, touches upon two issues that I’ve intended to take on in weeks to come. One has to do rather with a criticism of workers.

In my attempts to fashion a “White Leftism” and establish an optimal framework for Whites upon their separation, naturally I conceive of work as essential to selfhood and socialization – that just reward and respect, even a kind of sacral attitude might be accorded to everyday routines; at present, the everyday is often unjustly undervalued. On the other hand, I must say that work and the workers can be overvalued at times – work being accorded too much respect – get to work, a shut up word as it were - not only can it be culpable in keeping the gears of an unjust system going, but the workers themselves can be obnoxiously competitive sorts, who have the “merit” to grind away at their tautologies by dint of overblown egos and sharp elbows; and if not nepotism, then having their position through overweening support. We are aiming for appropriate work, of course, not affirmative action for the incompetent.

Thus, when Graham says,

We ought “scrutinise interpretations that attribute people’s unfavourable circumstances only and exclusively to their own failings; and resist efforts to dismiss bellwether emotions, like anger, which can possess diagnostic value. “

I couldn’t agree more.

And what constitutes work is one such issue: when is it counterproductive to Europeans, ensconcing a potentially unjust person and system with unjust yield for what might be bad practice as well?

Whereas other contributions might be more worthwhile than what is called “work.”

“Jealousy” is another meme that ought to be explored. There are times when people are wrongly jealous indeed (and I have experienced that heavily so no need to preach to me that the jealous can be out of line), but there are other times when the charge of jealousy is another shut up tactic. I imagine that would connect with over valued individualism as well. In fact, one of the healing aspects of The White Class that I have noted is that in looking upon other Whites as brothers and sisters, we have a means to overcome jealousy. You say,

Thus, we should look beyond explanations grounded in methodological and ideological individualism to the broader patterns and the causal mechanisms which reproduce forms of injustice or harms to Europeans in our homelands* and the ideological strategies, such as personalisation, that seek to obscure them.

* Agreed, but why not European in other parts of the world as well?


We should distrust all one-sided paeans to individuality; and beware societies that fetishise interiority and our private life at the expense of our acknowledgement as public and social beings Ideologies that do not recognise the interdependence between the parts and the whole are not to be endorsed - if of no other reason that ultimately they profoundly distort our view of the underlying ontological realities with their obfuscation. As such those ideological delusions can only be maintained for so long without inflicting great harms upon ourselves. There is an irreducibly social aspect to our being in the world.

Great point. Agreed. And with that, people can use psychological charges in an evil way.


8

Posted by daniel on Mon, 06 Aug 2012 19:39 | #

..
...

..another matter that I intend to take on in weeks to come has to do with the special kind of beauty of White women, how that beauty is in some respects undervalued as superficial, as is White men’s part in co-evolution of that beauty.

But coming back to the issue of jealousy: I believe you are very right in seeking out depth grammar in the social and to take issue with blaming individuals for their failures. For example, blaming people for not finding an appropriate partner or appropriate work (not affirmative action, but appropriate work) which, as I’ve alluded to before, maybe partly due to intrinsic value being denied and bypassed in favor of the individualistic rough and tumble, is often just this kind of installed, negative meme similar as in Ishiguro’s story.

So, I say yes to uncovering this kind of obfuscating meme…

Some people say, “you’re threatened by them” (e.g., Blacks, Jews), as if that is reason Not to discriminate.

Of course merit and meritocracy is another form of justice, taken for granted, and worthy of critical analysis. And that is not to mention where “merit” operates with resources that may not have been gotten in fair exchange, etc. – our women are not a fair exchange for soul music and a faster representative at the Olympics (or Serena Williams!), nor to be absolved of guilt for whatever injustices Jews are supposed to have suffered.

…those who “just have it” when it comes to women so that they can pile them up, while others struggle, is probably another injustice that can be improved upon.

“Liberalism does not exclusively own the concept; nor should anyone ever think that it did.”

I have not tended to think of liberals as caring about justice, but rather wanting to be unfettered to maximize their ability to act upon their individual desires - justice and others be damned.


“On the other hand, it is easily made into a ruse of power, an instrument of domination. When divorced from a structural understanding of an unjust social-order, individuality can become a cult object, a substitute for critical thinking and an impediment to overcoming injustice”

I agree, again that is why I have claimed only Socializtion to be real, whereas other categories are heuristics.

“Let us make justice the master virtue - not only in theoria, but also in praxis.”

OK.

Going more at this meme of merit as “objective”, notice it does not tend to take into account the beauty of our women, their asymmetry, its semiotics and our part in creating it – subtle beauty is a particularly distinguishing characteristic of European women. Look at Serena Williams who wins by an “objective” standard…but her appearance, its primitivism, ought to be semiotic of a different species, not a just competitor for White women, as Williams species have a higher level of testosterone and different musculature - different priorities. Whereas our women’s beauty is semiotic of social and environmental sensitivity, Williams’ appearance is semiotic of social and environmental imperviousness.

Thus, the “superficiality” of beauty becomes another ruse to thwart potential charges of injustice.

This didactic incitement against those who can still express indignation over injustice can form a reflexively reconstructing discursive structure, wherein the “plaintiff” comes to seem more and more deserving of their lot; and any potential way out narrows as they become permanent puerile initiate, wimp, dupe or a pig - charges difficult to get around in some circumstances, particularly as an individual.

Are we incited to Cartesian points inside our head? Which points do we talk to our women with?

As American pragmatist William James observed, with this detached, Cartesian concept of self, one would have to be in two places at once in order to blame one’s self.


9

Posted by Silver on Mon, 06 Aug 2012 20:53 | #

Lister, thank you for that thoughtful reply. 

As for the role of individuation; it’s essentially that the near exclusive focus on one’s interior life, the reduction of all social antagonisms (which are nearly always conflicts of interests between different groups) to merely personal problems is a wonderful tool for those that play the game as a team (in their own collective interests) and yet tell everyone else to play as individuals. The British were masters of the ‘old divide and rule’ tactic during the days of the Empire. But in the context of the novel the victims do not have the grammar of differential group interests or of the social antagonism of which they are an essential element (and on the losing side). In a sense they are blind to the injustice they all individually and collectively will endure.

But the British, like so many empire-builders before them, divided and ruled by pitting tribe against tribe and benefiting from the resulting disunity, which is not what you’re talking about in this essay.  “Individuality as an instrument of domination” doesn’t seem to me to have any historical parallels outside the post-modern era.  So I guess we’re really talking about Jews here, for there they are, sitting pretty, undivided and unconquered, while majorities all across the western world are subjected to relentless group critique and demoralization.  It seems to me, however, that that’s more of a “technical” problem rather than a problem resulting directly from liberal paradigms themselves.  After all, the fact is it certainly would be possible to have an overwhelmingly liberal social order in which whites (or majorities in general) were not targeted as they are, not subjected to the effects of “individuality as an instrument of domination,” at least not with respect to whiteness/race.  Indeed, I have to believe many a committed liberal would attempt to defend the critique of whites/whiteness on precisely the grounds that it risked being a fatal thorn in the side of the liberal project (think Andrew Neather or Liam Byrne, to name only a couple, although one never discount cynicism and opportunism where politicians are concerned; their example is mainly for purposes of illustration). 

It’s not a sufficiently robust enough perspective for the injustice they all will eventually suffer to be properly and fully perceived, let alone articulated – or at least Ishiguro suggested this. Why? Precisely because it is too narrowly personal, too much about our interior being in the world. It’s not quite the same ‘expansive’ or more widely conceived love of community (and themselves as a group) that is implied in the notion of Aristotelian philia – a communitarian and social (or extended) form of ‘public’ love.

A liberal might argue that this philia you speak of is possible across narrow ethnic boundaries; not to the same degree, perhaps, but our liberal might argue that that’s not necessarily a bug, that it could even be a feature.  The way our liberal might see it is that two world wars worth of philia is enough to last an eternity.  Of course, to speak of those wars, particularly the second, is to again invoke ‘the Jew’ (not that there’s anything wrong with that!), but I would argue that even taking the Jew out of the equation the point remains.


10

Posted by Silver on Mon, 06 Aug 2012 21:16 | #

Forgot to add:

I have to believe many a committed liberal would attempt to defend the critique of whites/whiteness on precisely the grounds that it risked being a fatal thorn in the side of the liberal project

Tactically, an effective way to force such a liberal’s hand would be to use the sentence-completion technique of Nathaniel Branden (that I have personally found so useful for altering my own beliefs). For example, “If Whites are people too, then____________” or “If it turns out that there was never actually anything wrong with being White, then______________” and inviting your interlocutor (liberal or neutral) to fill in the blanks himself.  You can preface these with whatever you like.  Eg, “Policies X, Y, Z are all fine and dandy, but if…then” Imo, the attempt to provide an answer can’t help but be an eye-opening experience—worlds better than the crap your average white advocate tries to change minds with (apart from the “you’re just saying that cos I’m white; anti-racist=anti-white” approach).

 

 

 


11

Posted by Graham_Lister on Tue, 07 Aug 2012 04:02 | #

Off-topic but the art critic Robert Hughes has sadly died.

Here is a link to his TV series on American art entitled “American Visions”.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JTeDUqlasCw&playnext=1&list=PL3632A34112081001


12

Posted by daniel on Fri, 10 Aug 2012 03:53 | #

As an added benefit, there would be no loss of integrity nor utility to Bowery’s efforts thus far - in fact, it would focus his project more accurately in pursuit of the take-down of modernity (modernity take-down) while fostering those humanly ameliorative aspects of civilization on behalf of Whites, as it were.


13

Posted by Olaf on Sat, 18 Aug 2012 23:11 | #

Eric Hunt Says Johnson, MacDonald, Jared Taylor and Mark Weber Conspire to Cede jews’ ‘Holocaust’ Big Lie

http://vnnforum.com/showpost.php?p=1414768&postcount=36

This is what I was told -

MacDonald, Taylor, Weber, the American Third Position guys (Merlin Miller) and Johnson meet in California every few months or so to plan strategy, socialize, etc.

MacDonald and Johnson choose to associate and form strategy with Weber and Taylor, one a pro-Semitic traitor to whites and the other a traitor to Revisionists.

Taylor’s danger to our people and this movement has been covered here very well, but Weber’s backstabbing and destruction of the IHR is covered on CODOH forums, or by Michael Collins Piper, or you can ask Fritz Berg about it (of nazigassings.com).

The guy who told me about these meetings is a white guy who attended at least one of these California get-togethers. He has an asian wife…

Whites with asian wives, a philo-semite, and a guy who destroyed the upward momentum of the largest American revisionist organization are all part of this California based “elite” which is telling us not to talk about the gas chamber and “gas van” lies known as “The Holocaust”. This is the “New Right” strategy for success?

Mark Weber took a successful organization, castrated it, and ran it into the ground.

I think if you would ask Johnson about this, he would admit he’s been to these get-togethers with Weber and Taylor. It’s obvious. He quotes Mark Weber as a source to back up his point of view. “First, as Mark Weber has pointed out…”



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