Hutchinson on the murder of US manufacturing Martin Hutchinson treated his readers at Prudent Bear to a dose of blue collar reality this morning, mourning the technological manufacturing future that a generation of American politicians, financiers and businessmen threw away for short-term gain. GE’s announcement a week ago that it would accept offers for its appliances business marked the death-knell of yet another US manufacturing business, one among so many in US manufacturing’s long and seemingly unstoppable downtrend since 1980. That decline may seem an inevitable historical trend, and Wall Street’s analysts would claim that the US economy can prosper just fine without it. Yet impartial analysts of the putrefying corpse of US manufacturing capability are forced into an inescapable question: did it die of natural causes or was it murdered? For the last 30 years, Wall Street’s insouciant attitude appears to have made sense. US manufacturing has slowly declined, as operations have moved to lower-wage centers in the Third World. However the US economy as a whole has continued to thrive, as financial services doubled its share of Gross Domestic Product and grew to provide 40% of the earnings on the Standard and Poors 500 share index. Prosperity was heavily skewed towards the very rich, but the majority of Americans continued to enjoy a general, if halting improvement in living standards. The collapse of the financial services bubble has however called into question three of Wall Street’s most cherished beliefs about manufacturing: · First, Wall Street believes that financial services and other services can take the place of manufacturing, and that the United States can remain a prosperous economy thereby. The inevitability of manufacturing’s decline is in some ways the most interesting question, which has not been addressed much elsewhere. Most large-scale events of this nature appear inevitable in retrospect, yet if examined in detail can be shown to have been triggered by a series of decisions that could have gone the other way. Management decision-making like most human activities is a slave to fashion: whichever guru has captured the attention of business academics and the business press at any given time is likely to have an inordinate influence on management decisions. In the 1920s through the 1950s, the production engineering of Frederick W. Taylor was fashionable, and the United States built the first mass-production economy. In the 1960s, MBA-credentialed top management was thought able to run anything, and so both conglomeration and strategy consulting came into fashion. From the early 1980s, it became received wisdom that all organizations could usefully be “downsized” and that the traditional corporate welfare protection of employees was wasteful. All these theories had their virtues; the reality however is that they cannot all be universally true since they are largely mutually incompatible. In the 1970s the new and very fashionable Boston Consulting Group introduced the “strategy matrix” under which businesses were divided into stars, cows, dogs and question-marks, according to their growth prospects and profitability. Stars, the businesses with the highest growth prospects and profitability, were to be nurtured and given resources, dogs, of low profitability and low growth were to be closed down and question-marks, of high growth but low profitability, were to be given modest resources to see whether they turned into stars or dogs. The whole operation was to be paid for by milking the “cows,” those businesses of low growth but high profitability. Cows, as their name suggests would be denied capital investment, since such investment should not be wasted on low-growth situations. Instead their cash flow would be milked to provide capital investment for the stars and the more favored question-marks. There were several problems with this mechanistic, clever-clever approach to business management. One was that the businesses’ typology could not be identified accurately; which businesses were treated as “stars” was more a matter of the business cycle and doubtless of office politics than of the long term underlying reality. A second, even more fundamental problem was this: cows that are milked and not fed quickly turn into dogs. Businesses that are treated as not part of the company’s glorious growing future quickly wither on the vine, as new opportunities in those business areas are missed. Their profitability starts to decline and quickly the cash flow that was their corporate raison d’etre disappears. When examined dispassionately in the light of posterity, it appears that far too many of these “cow” businesses were manufacturing operations which were milked for cash flow that was diverted into more fashionable businesses in the service sector, particularly in finance. Westinghouse, for example, one of the most important names in electric equipment until 1980, had split up and left manufacturing altogether by 2000. To be fair Westinghouse management had a good excuse; one of their leading and most successful businesses had been the construction of nuclear reactors, an activity that disappeared in the 1980s owing to political cowardice in the face of environmentalist harassment. General Electric, however from 1981 to 2001 run by ultra-fashionable “Neutron Jack” Welch, epitomized the failings of the era. It under-invested in many of its manufacturing businesses, entered into a blizzard of divestitures designed to boost its short term earnings, played games with its pension accruals and built a gigantic financial services empire of low quality businesses in which it could never be a leader. It also ruthlessly eliminated its middle management and overpaid its top management, winners in the corporate office political game. GE was a much admired operation in Welch’s later years; it is less so now, and if the bloated global financial services business returns to a historically normal size may finally be seen to have been a disaster. GE Appliances, GE’s home appliance business dating back to 1907, the early years of electrification, was long dominant in the home appliance field. GE Chairman Jeff Immelt has now put GE Appliances on the sale block so that GE could focus on higher margin businesses. The business has attracted interest from China’s Haier Group, but is expected to be less interesting to Korea’s LG, because LG manufactures appliances of a higher price and quality. A commoditized and fairly uninteresting business, in other words, currently worth around $6.3-6.5 billion, little more than 2% of GE’s $290 billion market capital. However if you look back even to 1994, a medium year that was already well into GE’s Welch-inspired transformation, appliances represented 10% of GE’s sales and 8% of operating profit. In other words, the business has been steadily starved relative to GE’s other businesses, and has turned itself from a “cow” into a “dog”. To see how this happened, think back to the 1950s. Electric appliances were the major growth business of that decade, symbolizing the decade’s new affluence. Forecasters confidently predicted that by 2000 robot appliances would be in every household, removing the drudgery of housework once and for all. As a youthful reader of Isaac Asimov’s robot stories I shared that confidence – after all the computerization necessary for robot control systems, which had not existed in 1940, when Asimov wrote the first of his “I Robot” short stories, was already revolutionizing business management by the late 1950s. Now it’s not just 2000 but 2008. So where the hell are the robots? GE Appliances has no such offering; if you buy a GE vacuum cleaner you will still have do all the work yourself. Can it be that the technological optimism of the 1950s was misplaced, and that home robots will never exist, or will be invented only in the far distant future? You’d certainly think so from looking at GE’s catalog of products. However it turns out that GE is simply behind the curve. The iRobot Corporation of Bedford Massachusetts, founded by keen Asimov readers from MIT in 1990, manufactures fully robotized vacuum cleaners as well as some pretty neat robotized mine-clearing equipment for the military. iRobot’s standard model runs around $300, less in real terms than an ordinary vacuum cleaner would have cost you in 1980. iRobot’s total sales are only $250 million, which GE would no doubt class as a rounding error, but dammit the company doesn’t have GE’s brand name or distribution network. Had GE had the sense and innovative skill to develop robot vacuum cleaners, can anybody doubt that that product group’s sales would today be several billion dollars, with appropriately high margins? It is thus clear that by starving GE Appliances of investment and, more important, of research dollars, and devoting the company’s efforts to financial services, “Neutron Jack” and his cohorts have deprived the United States of a major new business and deprived us overworked consumers of a major labor-saving technology (unless we are lucky enough to find out about iRobot or its few small-company competitors). GE has commoditized its appliance business, forcing down prices by manufacturing in ever cheaper-labor parts of the world. Instead it should have been enriching that business, opening up new opportunities for products that could be sold at higher prices and higher margins and provide more value to the consumer. The sad story of GE Appliances is a paradigm of what has gone wrong in the US economy since 1980. No, manufacturing did not need to leave the United States; US manufacturing was killed by a multitude of foolish short-term-profit motivated decisions by inept and overpaid US management. The other questions can also be answered. Manufacturing is not intrinsically a low-skill and uninteresting operation, it involves skills at the highest possible level and can readily employ high-wage workers – after all LG’s workforce in South Korea are these days very far from being subsistence-level Third World proletariat. Finally, the US cannot survive through financial services and tech startups alone; it needs to reinvest in manufacturing or it will find itself unable to support an advanced-economy living standard for the mass of its population. Yes, Virginia, you could have had both robots and the Internet. The 1950s dream of an infinitely prosperous United States full of household robots and other high-tech wonders was not a fantasy, it was there for the taking. Only political and business incompetence prevented us from achieving it. Martin Hutchinson is the author of Great Conservatives Comments:2
Posted by Bill on Tue, 17 Jun 2008 08:34 | # Now you see it - now you don’t The yellow brick road. 3
Posted by Bill on Thu, 19 Jun 2008 12:11 | # Scrolling down thru’ the Oil Drum, I came across this post which I thought was interesting, having read it, I discovered, it, (this post) had kicked off a lengthy debate - well worth a look. Be warned, it is time consuming and I haven’t read it all. UK Inflation: the only way is up, baby http://europe.theoildrum.com/node/4163#comments_top writerman on June 18, 2008 - 3:36am People like King, Brown, Darling etc, do not believe in ‘planning’. They beleive, ideologically, dogmatically, and almost religiously, that the free market system works, now and forever, regardless of historical circumstances or objective reality. This is one of the reasons why we haven’t really had an energy or transport policy for decades. The political elite have stepped back, and abrogated responsibility for the economy. They are managers on the board of a giant ‘corporation’ and the health and interests of the corporation come first. Indeed they appear to believe that the interests of the corporation are the interests of the country as a whole. This ideology negates the importance or even existance of conflicting class interests or inequalities of wealth and power. At the moment what seems to be happening is that modern captialism is evolving into another phase. Here, the interests of the corporations that make up the ‘market’ and the state apparatus, are merging into a new whole. A kind of military, industrial and state complex. So that political power, economic power and military/security power, is becoming one and the same. It is a form of totalitarianism, a corporate state, the ‘market’ taking over and infiltrating all aspects of society. We end with a market economy, a market society and market democracy. Perhaps the last postulate is the most disturbing - market democracy. What this means is that we as individuals have as much influence on the politics of society as individual consumers do in the ordinary marketplace for goods and services. This development has profound implications. Is market democracy even really democratic? Is the market democratic? Isn’t what we choose to call the market really a mechanism for explaining and justifying elitism and inequality in the distribution of wealth and power? Aren’t democracy and equality joined at the hip? Can one really have one without the other? This is all too esoteric. Yet I think it’s important to remember, or realize, that changing the road we’re on is going to be very, very, difficult indeed, and the outcome is uncertain. Even if we succeed in convincing the majority of the need for reform or change, this does not mean that change will occur. We still have to impliment the will of the majority, and if this clashes with the interests, begins to question the distribution of wealth and power in society, then change will prove even more difficult to accomplish. Society is becoming less democratic, not more democratic. As growth slows and the ‘cake’ begins to shrink and scarcity becomes the norm, those with a disproportionate share of wealth and power are going to fight to keep what they’ve got, this is understandable and perhaps even ‘natural’ behaviour. We are though, sooon going to have to confront the inequalities of wealth and power in society, and question whether the market really reflects the will and interests of the people. Overthrowing ‘market democracy’ and replacing it with real democracy, where the interests of the majority are paramount, isn’t going to be easy. Log in or register to leave a comment 4
Posted by Guessedworker on Thu, 19 Jun 2008 22:44 | # Bill, Many are groping towards the truth now, where very few were, say, ten years ago. For thinking folks, realisations such as the siamese relationship of OMOV democracy and equality are essential gateways along the path. Hardly too esoteric, I would say. As to changing the road we’re on, that will take a revolution outside of the liberal sphere. The Oil Drum guys don’t know that yet. But they will when the search for truth turns into the search for solutions. 5
Posted by Bill on Sat, 26 Jul 2008 19:32 | # I’m reading stuff like this more and more, it’s as scary as hell but we’re all skipping along behind the pied piper without a care in the world. Unless it’s just another conspiracy of course. Post a comment:
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Posted by James Bowery on Mon, 16 Jun 2008 22:28 | #
What Asimov never wrote about, of course, is the tendency for concentrated capital to corrupt its management just as surely as central government tends to corrupt its management.
The enormously capitalized manufacturing business—really first pioneered by Henry Ford—is of a failure mode of civilization that, despite insights of Ford’s like:
expressed in the ultimate self-destructive triumph of Finance within a Jewish-dominated second-half of 20th Century America.
That failure mode is, quite simply, centralization of economic rents—or as I alternatively define “economic rents”—the centralization of civilization’s network externalities. It is such centralization of economic rents that allows a decadent managerial class to become “slaves to fashion” rather than slaves to the market, as would be proper of genuine free enterprise. Disbursing economic rents evenly as citizen’s dividends would make short work of such corrupt capital.
Think about this scenario:
The in-place liquidation value of GE’s appliance division could have been set by any entity that put into escrow, with the US Treasury, their bid for ownership of that asset—with the escrow returning the risk free interest rate of modern portfolio theory which is generally set to short-term Treasury instruments. GE is then required to pay the Treasury’s interest payout on the escrowed bid for its appliance division. GE can choose to escape this burden at any time by simply turning over ownership of its appliance division to the party whose bid is in escrow, in exchange for the escrowed bid amount.
Very quickly, bids would go into escrow that represented the “no-brainer” net present value of the GE appliance division, and GE’s corrupt management would be pressured to sell by the lawyers for the holders of its public stock.
Apply this to other, even more corrupt assets dependent on network externalities such as Microsoft’s operating system copyrights, and you can start to see how far-reaching such a policy would have been in freeing up the creative industrial strength of the United States.
This, of course, becomes an enormous source of revenue for the government—one that can eliminate taxes on economic activities—if we refuse to exempt the holders of US Treasuries from similar buy-outs since the government, itself, can logically bid for its own Treasury instruments and then keep the resulting short-term interest stream (exemptions should probably be extended only to saving institutions in lieu of FDIC and other deposit insurance). The problem then becomes avoidance of “public choice rent-seeking” which is accomplished by the simple expedient of paying out the economic rent stream as citizen’s dividends.
While I recognize the tendency to off-load the cost of protecting property-rights as a problem inherent in civilization, it is rather like the vulnerability of the human nervous system to opiate addiction—a weakness that can be, and is, exploited and made worse by merchants of such addictions.