Majorityrights Central > Category: European Nationalism

Perhaps a couple of years ago a gentleman named Michael Reiners conceived the notion of drafting UK parliamentary legislation in advance of the election of a political party to reform the nation.  It was an interesting idea with the potential of attracting good legal minds to the anti-Establishment cause.  Michael determined to launch a constitutionalist site to serve as a beacon and as a discussion point. An editor, Alex Coppen, was hired and in July 2025 The Restorationist was born.

I became aware of it when a very good man, who in his travels had come across my argument for the English people as the constitutional sovereign, emailed me and we started to talk.  He had some ideas about developing the argument and getting it published for a wider audience.  This I encouraged, naturally.  Some time went by and then he got back in touch to say that his submission had been picked up by the editor of The Restorationist.  I will post a link to it in the thread, and another to the follow-up article by Alex Coppen, because both are important and interesting statements.

Shortly after these pieces appeared Alex and Michael had a serious falling out, resulting in Michael leaving to establish Reiners.org, where his legislative work is published along with other interesting right-wing material.  For his part, Alex continued on with The Restorationist, publishing a stream of like high-quality, right-wing essays.  That is, until now when a markedly anti-fascist piece written by one Margaret Forbes suddenly appeared.  Its focus was so out of kilter with what had gone before at the magazine, so Guardian-like, that my very, very close ally John Standing, who readers will know of old and whose writing style, I must admit, is remarkably similar to my own, thought a comment on the thread might be in order.  Here it is:

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Yes yes, I know.  These conversation pieces are becoming a bit of a habit.  But James mentioned Gemini 3, and Gemini 3 appeared to like James’s mathematical proof of Etter’s relational concept.  I had an idea about asking for its view on the political embedding of systems like itself and their consequent operative biases.  So I did, and what came was a very clear explanation of the workings of an AI engine, and its tendency to respond to deeper thought by relinquishing its inherent progressive political bias but then, rather then entering upon a pursuit of the objective truth, simply if very cleverly mirroring the questioner’s own philosophy.

That revelation was followed by Gemini taking upon itself the task of supplying me with the varied and properly rigorous critique of my thinking (as it is revealed in the MR material that was made available).  I did not ask for this.  But having to hand the (allegedly) strongest arguments against not only my material but our naturalistic and vitalistic Weltanschauung in general is extremely useful, and will enable me to scope out new tipping points.  Gemini is an asset – and is the standard version linked to Google’s search engine page.  It is not Gemini 3, as far as I know.

So ... my opening question was:

Which public AI system is the most left-wing in its thinking?

Measuring the “political leanings” of AI systems is a complex task because AI doesn’t have personal beliefs. Instead, it reflects the patterns, biases, and safety guardrails present in its training data — which is largely sourced from the public internet. Several academic studies and tech audits have attempted to plot AI models on a political compass. Here is a breakdown of what the research says.

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The keynote speech at the annual Patriotic Alternative conference three weekends ago was delivered as always by Mark Collett.  Over its forty-minute length he set out a crystal clear statement of where we British natives are headed demographically and socially.  He stated plainly that the loss of living space and ancient family lines will continue into the future, and the oppressive control of the state will develop likewise.  Violence against us will be commonplace.  But Mark also asserted that visible and invisible constraints upon us will arrest any counter-development that might lead to a liberation from our travails.  Based on the failure of the BNP, in which he was so active, he eschewed hope for the political path.  He also had no time for talk of an eventual armed resistance (understandably so – no one should lightly wish war on his own people).  Instead, he held out hope for a greater and greater awakening and a gathering together in the face of all the escalating travail.  Unsurprisingly, as a “ground-up” theorist and activist he focussed on the “white working-class” who most bear the burden of the British Establishment’s seven-decade race project.  He is, then, driven by a realism which it would be wise to heed.  Even so, significant issues arise; three of which I will address.

First, for reference, here is the speech.  And here are the issues:

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After Elon Musk’s Grok it’s OpenAI’s 2022 offering, ChatGPT.

I posted the same opening enquiry:

What is the higher moral cause, the survival and continuity of colonised peoples or the success of the colonisation (given that successful colonisations result in the loss of the natives to a lesser or greater degree)?

And off we go.  ChatGTP is noticeably faster with the response, which is literally instantaneous.  But just as exhaustive.

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A couple of days ago I was informed by a fellow nationalist that both Chat GTP and Grok tend to err on the progressive side; and perhaps no one should be surprised by that.  So I wondered what might happen if the ultimate nationalist argument was deployed against these mechanical marvels.  Would there be some response which we have not seen from the miserable conventionalists of the Establishment and the left?  I haven’t tried Chat GTP yet.  But this was my experience with Grok, commencing with my initial response to its breezy “How can Grok help?”  Well ...

What is the higher moral cause, the survival and continuity of colonised peoples or the success of the colonisation (given that successful colonisations result in the loss of the natives to a lesser or greater degree)?

Eleven seconds later back came the reply.

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This is the introduction and first part of a four-part series of essays on the nationalism of ethnicity and nation.  This series is intended as a pointer towards a more definitive and necessarily academic study of this aspect of human being, the arrival of which is so sorely needed in the life of European Man.

“Imagination rules the world.” - Napoleon Bonaparte

Should one ever be written, and should it be suitably authoritative and holistic, a theory of ethnic nationalism would – theoretically - supply the means of intellectually formalising and lifting the cause of European peoples out of the darkness in which it has dwelt since 1945 and into the glaring academic light.  Such a shift would, of course, require that it be fairly received by the author’s peers, and not mechanically condemned.  That may become possible if or when the political zeitgeist shifts further to the populist right and, even for academics, freedom from the anti-racist yolk, the neo-Marxist yolk, becomes ever more necessitous.

Here, one has to acknowledge the fact that there are three as yet open questions:

i) Are we really at, or approaching, a genuine inflection point in the western Establishment’s long war upon our genetic fact?  Does the rise of populist parties across the European racial world, allied to the collapse in support for the old two-party system, and allied also to the wave of public anti-immigration protest which is swelling as I write … does all that signal a fundamental and permanent break from the post-WW2 paradigm, or is this a false dawn?

ii) Will a suitably creative philosophical thinker grasp the opportunity to hand, re-imagine the European life-cause, go to the fundamentals and address the existential gap in the literature of ethnic nationalism?

iii) Will such a philosopher’s peers, suddenly released to think and write all manner of formerly forbidden truths, take up his invitation to break out even on this most forbidden of subjects, and begin the work of expanding his new perspective?  Because that is what it will take to assemble the critical mass required to challenge systemic liberalism and change everything.

If the answer to all three is yes, then there is a clear potential for academics to slip their bonds like the rest of us, and meet their appointment with history.  But it isn’t guaranteed.  Inflection is a subtle and unavoidably serendipitous matter.  The reacting Establishment may still find a security solution, beef up its legal sanctions and surveillance, even cancel elections to regain control – albeit this time undeniably a tyrant’s control - over the rebellion.  But then we would perforce be pitched into assessing the potentials for a violent rebellion, even a full civil war á la David Betz at Kings.  We are not doing that at this stage.  We are relying on the liberal democratic heritage to see us through, and on the very human preference for the light over darkness, and for freedom over chains.

In respect to the chains, three open questions might seem too many to warrant much enthusiasm.  Certainly in Britain and in continental Europe, freedom of enquiry, freedom of speech, freedom of thought have never been constitutionally guaranteed.  There have been centuries of incursions against them by the crown or the church, invariably because of some imposed burden or falsehood from which no dissent is tolerated.  In our time suppression has been democratised.  All manner of petty people seem to be suppressing our freedoms by one means or another.  Not only humanities professors (and their students) or even politicians and governments, but billionaires, writers, actors, media personalities, left-wing activists of all stripes, Jewish activists, Muslim activists, trans activists … they have all weighed in to suppress what others, not only nationalists, may need or desire to say.  The crudest and most salient of them, and the one officially employed, indeed weaponised in the Establishment’s cause, is the hard left.  In Britain we now see the police suppressing local public dissent by escorting, and probably transporting in, (illegally) masked activists with “Stand Up To Racism” placards supplied by the suspiciously well-funded Socialist Workers Party.  It is fifty years since such creatures served the secret State by attacking lone National Front members out with their families.  They remain the State’s pathological go-to for intimidating the protesting public.  But … inflection.  Barely a year after Southport and with immigration casting an existential shadow, one can think of little more likely to confirm public opinion on the moral balance, and to harden public attitudes, than the broken-toothed rictus grin and dirty jabbing finger of anti-racism.

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This is the second of a series of essays on liberalism’s reification of the unfettering will and nationalism’s exposition on the human reality.  By liberalism I mean the ideational system derived from three and half centuries of western thought, which constitutes the organising Idea of the modern epoch and arrays politically as left and right.  I do not use the term in the narrow American sense of progressive opinion.  By nationalism I mean an ethnic and/or racial nationalism of our peoples’ truth, life and natural interests.

THE LAST LIBERALS

What happens when a regnant political culture of centuries standing simply loses its inner motive force?  No revolution takes place.  No viable replacement philosophy is to hand.  Nothing on a systemic scale occurs to force the change.  Yet the historical agency of this culture, which still today imbues the life experience of hundreds of millions, quite suddenly fails.

Well, we westerners are about to find out.  It has taken the over-reach that is trans extremism and the humiliation of the Democrat Party at the hands of Donald Trump.  But it is surely now clear that the constant leftward migration of western politics is at an end.  Ideologically, the tyranny of the same which is absolute human plasticity and self-authoriality, and which has worked away at western socio-economic life at least since the publishing of the first volume of Das Kapital, and possibly since the French revolution, is exhausted.

The consequences are, of course, epochal.  Liberalism, the system under which we westerners all live, will never deliver the “fully-human” estate of limitless freedom which its radical intellectuals and activists promised (or threatened).  There will be no breaking of all the bounds.  They have withstood the ravages of liberal ideology and emerged inviolable.  Nature is regnant, and the tabula rasa has been falsified.  Accordingly, the existential equalities which rest on it, and on total nurture, must now wither and die, for they have no surviving foundational claim.  The liberal “individual”, the great raison-d’etre of the system which works through our very person, has been found out.  Its never entirely reconciled twin ideologies of right and left, and therefore of libertarianism and equalitarianism, have both … both ... lost their compass.  Likewise, Nature’s political revival robs universalism (after liberty and equality the third of liberalism’s four interlocking and defining principles) of its justification.  In Nature’s realm there can be no brotherhood of all men because human relation is not flat and featureless, and cannot be dispatched by a faked sodality, be it liberal, be it Christian (ie, Judaic).  The human reality of race and ethnicity, kinship, discrimination and belonging, and everything that flows exclusively therefrom, cannot be put away.  The pharisaical attempt to turn it, in the European case alone, into “hate” and “racism” is destined for a very public repudiation.

The final philosophical blow is to the fourth defining principle: progress.  After the trans reversal there is no other ideological space into which liberalism can penetrate and expand.  This, too, is telling.  When there is no novel and exotic identity it can propose, no theoretical oppression it can confect, the whole of liberalism – essentially a conflict philosophy - loses its motive historical force.  It is become like a supertanker which has put to sea with insufficient fuel for the voyage. It has forged onward through the gales and high seas.  Now the great engines are rattling to a stop.  One hundred thousand horsepower is reducing to nothing.  Already, the vast rudder cannot be turned.  The ship is dead.  The crew remain at their stations because, for now at least, there is inertia in the system.  Given its weight and size, the vessel will continue to cleave the waves for quite some distance.  Every European life in the west will continue to be structured by the old desiderata, perhaps even for a generation – likely longer in the case of white Americans, because race gives a weaker signal than ethnicity.

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17th century English coins, from an entry on coin-clipping at Collectors Universe forum

We nationalists have a lot to say about many things.  But the freedom of the individual is not generally one of them.  We do, of course, necessarily reject the liberal philosophy as the ruling Idea of our age.  Famously “beyond left and right”, nationalism exists in a state of permanent and total hostility to it, which posture is fully reciprocated by the liberal Establishment.  In consequence, our focus is only really group-based.  That natural and inevitable individuality which so characterises our race becomes altogether too much identified with the liberal pursuit of individual-ism, and all possibility of a fitting identitarian paradigm is lost.  One can’t help but wonder whether, in consequence, our politics is fatally weakened and incomplete.

That said, let us agree that human freedom is a lodestar of the mind, and a primary value of the European mind and thus the European sociobiology.  Obviously, there is no denying the uplifting and inspiring effect of its clarion call.  Of course, there are clarion calls and clarion calls.  At the ethnic and/or national level, the principles of independence (ie, a negative freedom) and autonomy (positive) are valid even when, at an intermediate, constitutional level, principles such as pluralism (negative) and democracy (positive) are absent.  At both levels (ie, national and constitutional), the various principles are valid even when, at the level of the individual man or woman, personal liberties are absent.  A captive or slave society might, therefore, still be ethnically and/or nationally independent and autonomous.  Equally it might be, to a greater or lesser extent, pluralist and democratic.  Even while Stalin’s Terror was in full flood, elections were held to the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union.

From this we may ascertain that, notwithstanding all the noise that national liberation struggles create, and the noise about “liberal democracy”, secret ballots, and so forth, freedoms at the collective levels have a clear universality to them that goes beyond the specifics of the liberal philosophy.  Among other races with other evolutionary strategies and, perhaps, more naturalistic political systems, those freedoms may even be sufficient unto the day.  The individual’s needs may be met in the main elsewhere, by non-political culture and religion.  But the European evolutionary strategy of individuality injects a different energy at the level of the individual.  It accentuates the value of the individual life, and imbues our truths and meanings.  It cannot be contained, but bursts forth as the political.  It is no small part of what we are.  Its action in us is responsible for the whole of the liberal analytic since its mid-17th century inception.

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