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Washington Post journalist is suspended after tweeting a link to a 2016 story about Kobe Bryant’s rape case just hours after he died in helicopter crash.
Felicia Sonmez is a national political reporter for The Washington Post
She was suspended by the newspaper on Sunday after controversial tweet
Sonmez was roasted for a post hours after Kobe Bryant died in helicopter crash
She tweeted link to 2016 story about the 2003 rape allegations against Bryant
Twitter users blasted Sonmez for timing of the post, which she then deleted
Sonmez replied that 10,000 people sent her ‘abuse and death threats’
In 2003, a 19-year-old woman alleged that Bryant raped her in Colorado hotel
The charges were dropped and the two sides settled a civil lawsuit
A Washington Post journalist has been suspended by the newspaper after she tweeted a link on Sunday to a years-old story about the Kobe Bryant rape case just hours after the basketball legend and his daughter were killed in a helicopter crash.
Felicia Sonmez, who covers national politics for the Post, took to Twitter shortly after the world learned of Bryant’s death along with eight others aboard his private helicopter which crashed outside of Los Angeles.
She posted a link to an April 2016 story from the news site The Daily Beast which carried the headline: ‘Kobe Bryant’s Disturbing Rape Case: The DNA Evidence, the Accuser’s Story, and the Half-Confession.’
The tweet generated hundreds of shares and thousands of likes as well as many comments.
Sonmez says she has received death threats after posting the tweets.
In follow-up tweets, Sonmez wrote: ‘Well, THAT was eye-opening.
Felicia Sonmez, a national political reporter for The Washington Post, angered Kobe Bryant fans on social media on Sunday
Felicia Sonmez, a national political reporter for The Washington Post, angered Kobe Bryant fans on social media on Sunday
‘To the 10,000 people (literally) who have commented and emailed me with abuse and death threats, please take a moment and read the story - which was written 3+ years ago, and not by me.
In the subsequent elections, the Freedom Party lost votes, but still won a respectable 17.3 percent. It is a major political force and could have been a partner in government. However, the Austrian People’s Party, which won an even greater share than it had in 2017, did not renew the alliance with the nationalists. Instead, Chancellor Kurz formed a coalition government with the far-left Green Party, declaring that “it is possible to protect border [sic] and the climate at the very same time.”
The New York Times approvingly noted that Mr. Kurz had a chance to “remove some of the stain of that association” with the “far right.” The Washington Postwrote that the Greens replacing the Freedom Party means that government officials “are unlikely to engage in discriminatory hate speech, embarrassing corruption affairs, or verbal threats against journalists.”
Austrian conservatives benefit when the so-called “far right” is deplatformed, just as American “center-right” conservatives do, because Austrians who want immigration control and nationalist policies are forced to vote for the “center-right” if the nationalist opposition is crushed.
The campaign against Martin Sellner is an excellent example of this. He is a leader in what is perhaps the most important movement today. He’s brave, intelligent, and married to a beautiful woman who is a notable activist in her own right and a bridge between European and American patriots. It’s therefore not surprising that “center-right” governments are trying to make their life hell.
There is no “free world,” much as some would like us to believe there is. Austria, the United Kingdom, or France are not much better than Russia or China. In some ways, they’re worse, because Russian or Chinese authoritarianism tries to preserve national identity, strength, and stability. The governments of the post-Western world want to dispossess and replace the existing population, and silence or even arrest anyone who disagrees.
America still has the First Amendment. We can defend our rights, but we should have no illusions about what is coming. Our opponents want to muzzle us and make it as hard as possible even to make a living. Conservatism Inc. will not defend us. It will cheer on repression, knowing that it boosts its short-term power. The beast will consume them too eventually, but they won’t wake up until it’s too late. If our people and civilization are to be saved, it’s up to us — and only us.
The hour is late. Do what you can by registering for the upcoming conference and committing to a White Tithe. I’ll have more thoughts about concrete action soon, and I proclaim full solidarity with the Sellners and other persecuted patriots.
About Gregory Hood: Mr. Hood is a staff writer for American Renaissance. He has been active in conservative groups in the US. His work can also be found on: Parler, Minds, Gab, and VK.
Two facts — just two — explain almost everything about Miami: In 1960, the city was 90 percent white; by 1990 it was only ten percent white. Virtually everything else about Miami today — crime, poverty, race riots, cultural decay, third-world squalor — follows from this astonishing change in population.
To be sure, it is important to understand the mix of people who displaced whites. Cubans, especially those who arrived first, have had a very different effect from that of Haitians or Nicaraguans. However, no city could show more clearly how dependent upon race and ethnicity are a city’s character and civility. No city could show more clearly that large-scale displacement of whites marks the end of everything commonly thought of as “American.”
Miami is one of the bellwethers for the nation that will result if the silent invasion from the third world continues. It is therefore important to know what has happened to the city and why.
First Came the Cubans
Cubans are now the dominant group in a city that is 63 percent Hispanic and 27 percent black. Even Dade County, which surrounds Miami, is about 50 percent Hispanic and 21 percent black, with whites making up no more than 29 percent of the population. Aside from a few quickly-shrinking enclaves of white influence, Cubans control business, politics and culture.
Related at Majorityrights
Hundreds of thousands of Cubans fled to Miami after Fidel Castro’s victory in late 1958, but they did not come simply because it was near by. Florida and Cuba have connections that are centuries old, and the post-Castro migration was only part of a long history.
From the earliest times, imperial Spain had ruled Florida and Cuba under a single administration. There was no political border between the two territories until Andrew Jackson conquered Florida, and the United States annexed it in 1821.
Even before the city of Miami was founded in 1896, the area had long played a part in the ructions of Cuba’s tropical politics. The South Florida coast was an important supply route for Cubans fighting Spanish colonial rule, and the smugglers and gun runners were largely unmolested by Americans intent on building a vacation resort.
The Spanish-American war brought American-imposed stability to Cuba, but once the country tried governing itself, it reverted to opera buffa politics. In his 1917 essay, Gore in the Caribbees, H.L. Mencken describes the “Latin exuberance” of a failed revolution. “It was an exhilarating show,” he concludes, “but full of strangeness for a Nordic.”
Revolutions routinely deposited refugees and counter-revolutionaries in Miami, and former exiles would sail back to Cuba with the next violent change in government. In 1933, for example, Gerardo Machado was overthrown and Miami teemed with his henchmen. In 1952, Fulgencio Batista staged a coup and his predecessor, Carlos Prio, packed his bags for Miami. In 1958, it was Batista’s turn to move north. All three are buried in Miami, where residents got used to itinerant dictators and their hangers-on.
The immediate effect of the Castro take-over was to reduce the number of Cubans living in Miami. Many had been scheming against Batista and streamed home in the wake of Mr. Castro’s victory. They streamed back to Miami when Mr. Castro began to build the workers’ paradise.
The real exodus from Cuba did not start until a year or two after the revolution, but when it came, Miami was the obvious destination. During the Prio and Batista years, even middle-class Cubans took annual vacations in Miami, and after airplane service began it was fashionable for rich Cubans to take one-day shopping trips to Florida. The Cuban upper classes escaped to a familiar and comfortable refuge.
At first, Miami’s whites ignored the post-Castro rush, confident that like all previous waves of political casualties, it would wash out again with the next coup. Moreover, the first crop of Cubans was the wealthy, well-educated white elite who spoke English and slipped easily into Miami society. However, by 1965, 210,000 Cubans had come to Miami, and by 1973 another 340,000 had boarded the twice-daily “freedom flights” for Florida. The quality of immigrants steadily declined, though few Cuban blacks and mulattoes had yet to come north.
During this period the Miami Herald still reflected the views of whites, and its editorials echoed rising alarm over the alien invasion. However, Cubans fleeing from communism made first-rate cold-war propaganda, and the federal government flouted the wishes of whites by welcoming the Cubans as refugees. It was Mr. Castro who finally stopped the “freedom flights” in 1973, but Miami’s transformation was well under way. The first wave of Cubans came to plot counter-revolution in the hope of going back home; later waves expected to stay.
Cubans quickly established a distinct community. They came not only with a common nationality, but with a fierce anti-communism that set them apart from the soft liberalism of America. They employed and did business with each other, continuing relations that had been established for years. Some businesses simply moved across the Florida Straits. The Caballero Funeral Home, for example, advertises that it was founded in 1858, at a time when Miami did not exist. It was founded in Havana.
Many entrepreneurs had scant regard for American legalities or customs, and they brought with them a corner-cutting, under-the-table mentality that still characterizes Miami. However, Cubans were scrupulous in their relations with each other because a violation of trust meant exclusion from the community.
The fact that well-off businessmen had come first made things much easier for the later arrivals. Cane-cutters just off the plane were grateful for any kind of work, and were both loyal workers and customers for Cuban businesses. At the same time, perpetually rocky politics in Latin America sent north a steady flow of flight capital. Naturally, it went to Miami, where nervous Argentines and Colombians could count on fellow Hispanics to invest their nest eggs in solid American banks.
What was the effect of the Cuban presence on the Miami labor market? One of the few “respectable” criticisms of non-white immigration is that it displaces blacks, and it is widely maintained that this happened in Miami. In fact, it was whites who were replaced. The garment industry, for example, was 94 percent white in 1960, but by 1980, it was 83 percent Hispanic. Black participation in the industry held steady at 5-7 percent.
Related at Majorityrights