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Working hypotheses will be advanced as to why these logical fallacies are being adopted despite their apparent obviousness; how they are mistaken; and remedies will be proposed in cooperative nationalism. Statements will be set out as hypotheses to allow for efficient positioning of historical viewpoints as they emerge practical in argumentative service of cooperative European nationalism. In addition to the practical efficiency of hypotheses for unburdening detail, the modesty of unfinished claims is meant to facilitate participation from the commentariat to elaborate, correct and amend the hypotheses - i.e., to make optimal use of Majority Rights discussion format. * Note: in comment number 2, I erred in grammatical present tense when discussing Brelsau (Wroclaw). Which, according to the Treaty of Versailles and through World War II, remained German. There would have been no good argument to that point in time for its not being German.
While ethnic nationalism is so weak in Britain, and many nationalists are weighing up whether UKIP is a cause for strategic support, in France prospects are bright - particularly for the European Parliament elections which will be held in May 2014. From the DT today:
The original article in Nouvelle Observateur is here. It makes it plain that of the major parties only FN is growing support at this time. It is coming from the elderly, the working-class, and the failing support of Hollande’s Socialists. The other parties are protecting themselves for the moment by forming blocs of the left and right, holding around a third of the vote a piece. But the poll company predicts that FN will not be held back. It will emerge not as a force generating mere political disturbance, as in the past, but as one breaking the mold of a tired and failing system.
For those with concerns about the survival of Golden Dawn, a comment which appeared today on the party’s American website might offer some considerable encouragement. The opinion piece to which it was appended concerned an independent poll of 43,000 Greeks in which GD attracted 18.9% support and ran all but Syriza into the dust:
But one commenter named Sebastian offered an uplifting and more detailed appraisal which I thought deserved a wider audience:
It put a smile on my face, anyway.
Something is stirring in France, and its name is Génération Identitaire:
From the moment the bereaved families challenged the psychological diagnosis of Anders Breivik as a paranoid schizophrenic with active psychosis, there was never really any doubt that he would be found criminally accountable (ie, sane in our parlance) for his deeds in Oslo and on the island of Utøya on 22nd July 2011. The court’s order to re-assess Breivik, with the result that he was diagnosed as suffering “only” from narcissistic anti-social personality disorder, satisfied the Establishment, the families, the Norwegian public, and Breivik himself. The latter’s greatest fear was to be committed to a mental institution and have his actions put down to psychosis and his stated causes and goals written off as the logic of a madman. But the court’s declaration of Breivik’s sanity put an end to that and re-focussed proceedings on his politics, and that, of course, does a grave disservice to the cause of the Norwegian life. The judge herself said, “Breivik’s views are not a sign of madness but consistent with extreme political views,” as if the natural, normal, healthy, moral desire that Norway’s people must not be colonised and replaced by racial aliens is “extreme”. It seems likely, however, that, far from making a shock wave that will loose an avalanche of “nationalist” violence, Breivik will simply disappear into his secure prison cell, and be lost to view. The memory of his sad, stubborn little salutes and his blushes at the mention of “Knights Templar” and “justiciar knights” will occasion only contempt and loathing, and Norway will move on. That is certainly what Norwegians hope, nationalists among them. Meanwhile, membership of the Labour Party youth wing, which was the organiser of the Utøya summer camp attacked by Breivik, increased during the last year from 9,600 to 14,000. Most of that increase was likely driven by the Rose Marches that followed the attacks, and the feeling of national unity that was generated by them. But that has ebbed away and the realities of division and discontent that were there before 22nd July 2011 are exposed once again. Norway’s population increased by 1.3% in 2011, one of the highest rates in Europe. Net immigration accounted for 71% of growth, but this figure is deceptive because Norway’s oil-rich economy has sucked in as many European-descended professionals and skilled workers as it has racial aliens. The proportion of the population that is racially alien is very likely not less than 7.5%. Grønland, east of the Akerselva river which runs through Oslo, is already as good as lost. Politically, Norway has the small-c conservative Progress Party, to which Breivik belonged before his radicalisation. It is sceptical about multiculturalism but not opposed to immigration. It is a dog in the nationalist manger, like all such respectably culturist and assimilationist mainstream parties. In the immediate aftermath of the attacks even a party with such a weak-tea platform suffered a loss of membership. But it has clawed it back since, and appears to be advancing further. An authentic Norwegian nationalism is impossible to advance, of course, crushed as it is between the Progress Party and Breivik’s murderousness. As for the rest of us, well, nationalism found some respite from association with Breivik in his original diagnosis, as well as in the scarcely nationalist Christian Zionist anti-jihadism he espoused. As someone who spends a fair amount of time on newspaper threads arguing the case for the European life, I encountered few references to the Utøya massacre beyond the immediate aftermath. Now the court has tied Breivik to the motives of every nationalist, there will likely be a longer tail to the damage he has done. But that, too, will pass. The horror of Breivik is receding, and just as Norwegians cannot hide from the realities of the world their politicians are creating, neither can any of us. Nationalists remain the only political actors with a true heart and a true analysis.
by Karl LaForce Laundry, Intimidation, and Divine Retribution. Wednesday 28 March 2012 My extensive travelling experience has taught me that when it comes to hotel laundry service there are only two types of hotels; those that let you do your laundry yourself, and those which charge too much for laundry service. Our hotel was the latter. As my travelling partner and I are both working-class people, we stuffed our clothes into a laundry bag, got the address of a few laundry mats off the Internet, and took off in search of clean clothes. Our car had a GPS with an English-accent female voice (“whom” we had taken to calling Penny). Penny led us to a packed street market with no car traffic and many vendors selling vegetables, fish, small grocery items and flowers. We parked our car at the closest spot we could find, about 500 meters from our destination. As we walked through the crowded street market, our education continued. Here we found an immigrant stronghold. Immigrant-run tables were two to one for every Greek-run table. The press of the crowd led us to cross the street, walking on the sidewalk or the street as required. My travelling partner had often come to this market as a child. Walking on the pavement, we squeezed between a small refrigerated truck and what looked like an Indian run barber shop, my travelling partner had no more breathed the thought “how did these people get here”, when one explanation, at least, presented itself.
I’m not entirely sure what to make of Marine Le Pen’s healthy third place in today’s first round of the French presidential election. It was good enough for the Telegraph website to run the main page headline One in five vote for Marine Le Pen. The exact percentage was a little less, in fact: Hollande: 9,172,959 votes (28.4%) ... but it is clear that the economic difficulties that France faces within the Euro - weak growth, vast debts, and unemployment at over 10% - chiefly benefited the Socialist candidate Francois Hollande. Marine had a clear anti-EU, anti-globalist policy. But it was not what the majority of voters wanted to hear. They are still willing to give the usual suspects the benefit of a no-doubt growing doubt. And this despite the racial disaster that nobody now can dismiss with an insouciant, Gallic shrug. The “worse is better” school of nationalist optimism is being tested to destruction in France, as in the southern Eurozone, and while Marine’s vote was better than some predicted, it does demonstrate that national crises alone are insufficient to impel nationalist parties very far electorally. Not even the redoubtable Marine, a class act by any political standard, could break the mould with one blow (not that she ever said she would, of course). There is always a “where next” in electoral politics. FN activists will likely split their support more or less evenly in the second round vote between Hollande and Sarkozy. Not that there is any love for the socialist, but there is a powerful desire to smash Sarkozy’s UMP. Expect Hollande to triumph, and Sarkozy’s failure to present an inviting opportunity for a re-alignment of right-of-centre politics in France. Beyond the presidential election FN will look for a spring-board effect from Marine’s six million votes in the legislative elections to be held on 10th and 17th June. They are probably more important to the FN’s prospects of real, sustainable growth than the presidential election is.
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