Majorityrights News > Category: British Politics

Counter-Currents Radio Podcast No. 258
A Conversation with Laura Towler

If you insert the word “international” for them, before the term “left”, you do them the favor of undoing their unwitting complicity with Jewish interests; though in Greg’s case, he perhaps cannot help it, as doubling down saves him from the criticism and bad news that he claims his elitism should hear.

Otherwise, some good thoughts in that conversation.

   
    Meanwhile, “I am not an ethnonationalist” - Richard Spencer
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Criticisms of Johson’s elitism, for example:

In his conversation with Morgoth just prior to this one with Laura, he calls the Scottish Nationalist Party the “perfect example of left nationalism.”

Is it really so hard for you to do something like put the word international before the term left?, Greg, or do you insist upon an oxymoron like internationalizing nationalism, which is what you are talking about with The SNP?

Also in this discussion, he wants to contrast aesthetics to counter the avarice of sheer mercantile utilitarianism.

I endorse the essence of the project he’s after, that is, countering radical liberalizing effects of mercantile hegemony…

But the concept of usefulness is not the opposite of the importance of aesthetics. Aesthetics play important, useful functions for people.

And paying attention to what is useful is an under utilized, liberating suggestion in service of orienting the popular understanding and deployment of philosophy. Hence, Greg’s superficial suggestion of aesthetics over utilitarianism just to play opposite day with me is a bum steer.

I guess that snooty right wing elitism is a comfy perch for Greg.

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Elitism, secrecy, deception … the way to save white America?

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Brexit day celebration: U.K. leaves the E.U.

“Enjoy The Moment” - Mancinblack

Britain Is Finally Leaving the EU. That’s Where the Debate Begins.

And it’s not just about Leave vs. Remain.

Politico, 30 Jan 2020:

LONDON, ENGLAND: Anti-Brexit campaigner Steve Bray protesting outside of the Houses of Parliament on January 30, 2020 in London, United Kingdom. At 11.00pm on Friday 31st January the UK and Northern Ireland will exit the European Union 188 weeks after the referendum on June 23rd 2016.

In 2016, Britain voted for Brexit. On Friday—four years, three prime ministers and two general elections later—the country will leave the European Union. Officially stepping out into the world is a major moment for a country that has driven itself mad on the tortuous path to the exit door. And yet, even the buildup to this historic event typified the silliest aspects of the years between the “leave” vote and the actual leaving.

Two quarrels about how Britain would mark the occasion broke out in recent weeks, one about a bell, the other about a coin. First came the fuss about whether Big Ben would ring out to mark the moment of independence. This Brexiteer wish was complicated by the fact that the bell, and the tower that houses it, are undergoing renovations, meaning a single bong would come with a $700,000 price tag. After Parliament refused to fund the move, and an online fundraising campaign failed to fill the gap, there will be no Big Ben bongs. “If Big Ben doesn’t bong, the world will see us as a joke,” lamented Brexit campaigner Nigel Farage.

A second brouhaha broke out over a commemorative 50 pence coin issued to mark the occasion. The coins, which read, “Peace, prosperity and friendship with all nations,” soon drew the ire of disbelieving Remainers. Otherwise serious and self-respecting members of the British establishment said they would refuse to use the coins or would deface any that came into their possession. (The novelist Philip Pullman also complained that the coin “is missing an Oxford comma and should be boycotted by all literate people.”)

Britain’s talent for turning these trivial rows into front-page stories illustrates how much the Brexit debate has become a negative-sum culture war, with Leavers and Remainers each compelled to take a side. Yet these dust-ups also obscure some of the more interesting, and important, divides over what Britain does with its newfound freedom. So far, much of the conversation has been backward looking, focused on whether the country would give effect to the 2016 vote with a viable version of Brexit, or whether that vote should be ignored. As Britain leaves the EU, and finally casts an eye forward, there are as many disputes as ever, with global implications, and the fault lines are more complicated than just Leave vs. Remain.

When Prime Minister Boris Johnson triumphed in last month’s election with a promise to “get Brexit done,” his opponents argued that after the sun rises on February 1, Britain’s future relationship with the EU, and a host of related questions, would remain unresolved. In a narrow sense, that claim is irrefutable. But it also misses the bigger picture.

The case for Brexit was built on possibilities. Among other things, exiting the EU allows Britain to decide for itself what trade relationships it should pursue with the rest of the world, the criteria it should set for its immigration system and how to regulate a host of areas that have been the competence of the EU for decades. These are big, difficult decisions in and of themselves. They aren’t part of a Brexit process that will ever be finished. Britain will not one day declare mission accomplished and no longer give any thought to, for example, trade policy—something that, as Americans will know, is an ongoing consideration in the politics of sovereign countries.

Understand that fact, and the divide between Leave and Remain starts to look less significant. On trade, for example, there is a split among Leavers. An image of buccaneering “Global Britain” striking trade deals with fast-growing economies around the world was a big part of the case pro-Brexit politicians made. There is little enthusiasm for this vision among Leave voters. According to one poll, Leave voters were more likely to support protectionist trade policies than Remainers. In fact, whether someone voted Leave was the single best predictor of a person’s support for barriers to trade. Politicians eager to use Brexit as an opportunity for liberalizing UK trade will have to think carefully about which voters they can rely on.

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Matthew Goodwin | Social and economic origins of populism

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Matthew Goodwin on populism: is it economics or culture?

UBS Center, 13 Nov 2019

Nation Revisited

# 159 January 2020 By Bill Baillie Tory Landslide Bring Back Oliver Cromwell - Vic Sarson I support tougher prison sentences but what is a seriously long sentence in these times where a liberal elite controls the judiciary, the media, education, the civil service and nearly all politicians are signed up to it? The application of capital punishment certainly needed reviewing but its outright abolition not only demoted the crime of murder but of all violent crime. Now, vicious, violent criminals are treated with greater leniency than someone who has not paid a TV licence. A recent article in the Daily Mail showed the photographs of six such thugs that had walked out of court smiling having been given non-custodial sentences for vicious random attacks against members of the public. They were separate individuals unknown to each other in British courts in different towns. Another item on another date showed the photograph of an elderly woman who had suffered blows to the head with an axe that were so severe as to expose her skull. The robber had attacked her in broad daylight when she was out shopping. He too walked free from court. Anyone, it seems, can be a magistrate and the liberals have got it sewn up: the interviewers are liberals and ensure that only liberals are appointed. Judges these days are, in the main, little better.

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