Majorityrights News > Category: Immigration and Politics

Did mainstream media in your country report on yesteday’s HUGE protest against Macron? #greve24janvier

No?

I’m so surprised

BasedPoland@BasedPoland

9:58 AM · Jan 25, 2020

#BBC #CNN #RAI

        France 24, 24 Jan 2020:
        Thousands protest as Macron’s government adopts pension reform plan

The Late Great City of Miami

Derrick Anderson and Jared Taylor, American Renaissance, May 1994

City of Miami Seal

Two facts — just two — explain almost everything about Miami: In 1960, the city was 90 percent white; by 1990 it was only ten percent white. Virtually everything else about Miami today — crime, poverty, race riots, cultural decay, third-world squalor — follows from this astonishing change in population.

To be sure, it is important to understand the mix of people who displaced whites. Cubans, especially those who arrived first, have had a very different effect from that of Haitians or Nicaraguans. However, no city could show more clearly how dependent upon race and ethnicity are a city’s character and civility. No city could show more clearly that large-scale displacement of whites marks the end of everything commonly thought of as “American.”

Miami is one of the bellwethers for the nation that will result if the silent invasion from the third world continues. It is therefore important to know what has happened to the city and why.

First Came the Cubans

Cubans are now the dominant group in a city that is 63 percent Hispanic and 27 percent black. Even Dade County, which surrounds Miami, is about 50 percent Hispanic and 21 percent black, with whites making up no more than 29 percent of the population. Aside from a few quickly-shrinking enclaves of white influence, Cubans control business, politics and culture.

Related at Majorityrights

Hundreds of thousands of Cubans fled to Miami after Fidel Castro’s victory in late 1958, but they did not come simply because it was near by. Florida and Cuba have connections that are centuries old, and the post-Castro migration was only part of a long history.

From the earliest times, imperial Spain had ruled Florida and Cuba under a single administration. There was no political border between the two territories until Andrew Jackson conquered Florida, and the United States annexed it in 1821.

Even before the city of Miami was founded in 1896, the area had long played a part in the ructions of Cuba’s tropical politics. The South Florida coast was an important supply route for Cubans fighting Spanish colonial rule, and the smugglers and gun runners were largely unmolested by Americans intent on building a vacation resort.

The Spanish-American war brought American-imposed stability to Cuba, but once the country tried governing itself, it reverted to opera buffa politics. In his 1917 essay, Gore in the Caribbees, H.L. Mencken describes the “Latin exuberance” of a failed revolution. “It was an exhilarating show,” he concludes, “but full of strangeness for a Nordic.”

Revolutions routinely deposited refugees and counter-revolutionaries in Miami, and former exiles would sail back to Cuba with the next violent change in government. In 1933, for example, Gerardo Machado was overthrown and Miami teemed with his henchmen. In 1952, Fulgencio Batista staged a coup and his predecessor, Carlos Prio, packed his bags for Miami. In 1958, it was Batista’s turn to move north. All three are buried in Miami, where residents got used to itinerant dictators and their hangers-on.

The immediate effect of the Castro take-over was to reduce the number of Cubans living in Miami. Many had been scheming against Batista and streamed home in the wake of Mr. Castro’s victory. They streamed back to Miami when Mr. Castro began to build the workers’ paradise.

The real exodus from Cuba did not start until a year or two after the revolution, but when it came, Miami was the obvious destination. During the Prio and Batista years, even middle-class Cubans took annual vacations in Miami, and after airplane service began it was fashionable for rich Cubans to take one-day shopping trips to Florida. The Cuban upper classes escaped to a familiar and comfortable refuge.

At first, Miami’s whites ignored the post-Castro rush, confident that like all previous waves of political casualties, it would wash out again with the next coup. Moreover, the first crop of Cubans was the wealthy, well-educated white elite who spoke English and slipped easily into Miami society. However, by 1965, 210,000 Cubans had come to Miami, and by 1973 another 340,000 had boarded the twice-daily “freedom flights” for Florida. The quality of immigrants steadily declined, though few Cuban blacks and mulattoes had yet to come north.

During this period the Miami Herald still reflected the views of whites, and its editorials echoed rising alarm over the alien invasion. However, Cubans fleeing from communism made first-rate cold-war propaganda, and the federal government flouted the wishes of whites by welcoming the Cubans as refugees. It was Mr. Castro who finally stopped the “freedom flights” in 1973, but Miami’s transformation was well under way. The first wave of Cubans came to plot counter-revolution in the hope of going back home; later waves expected to stay.

Cubans quickly established a distinct community. They came not only with a common nationality, but with a fierce anti-communism that set them apart from the soft liberalism of America. They employed and did business with each other, continuing relations that had been established for years. Some businesses simply moved across the Florida Straits. The Caballero Funeral Home, for example, advertises that it was founded in 1858, at a time when Miami did not exist. It was founded in Havana.

Many entrepreneurs had scant regard for American legalities or customs, and they brought with them a corner-cutting, under-the-table mentality that still characterizes Miami. However, Cubans were scrupulous in their relations with each other because a violation of trust meant exclusion from the community.

The fact that well-off businessmen had come first made things much easier for the later arrivals. Cane-cutters just off the plane were grateful for any kind of work, and were both loyal workers and customers for Cuban businesses. At the same time, perpetually rocky politics in Latin America sent north a steady flow of flight capital. Naturally, it went to Miami, where nervous Argentines and Colombians could count on fellow Hispanics to invest their nest eggs in solid American banks.

What was the effect of the Cuban presence on the Miami labor market? One of the few “respectable” criticisms of non-white immigration is that it displaces blacks, and it is widely maintained that this happened in Miami. In fact, it was whites who were replaced. The garment industry, for example, was 94 percent white in 1960, but by 1980, it was 83 percent Hispanic. Black participation in the industry held steady at 5-7 percent.

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Kathy Boudin

At Luke Ford Live Stream #404 1-16-20, min. 1:59:15. Kevin Michael Grace comments on a Paul Kersey story (below story from Unz and V-Dare):

KMG’s comments are helpful because he adds some clues about the relevant parties under discussion, which Kersey, being in the Jarod Taylor camp, would shy away from. We can then in turn, add the brackets.

Kathy Boudin gets mugged herself

KMG: I’ll introduce (((Chesa Boudin))). He is now the district attorney of San Francisco. Lets talk about his parents. His mother’s name is (((Kathy Boudin))); and she’s a convicted murderer. She was a member of The Weather Underground, formerly The Weathermen, which I suppose is the most notorious domestic terrorist group operating in the United States after the Second World War. She later became an adjunct professor at Columbia University. How about that? His father, (((David Gilbert))), is also a former member of The Weather Underground and a convicted murderer; and he’s still in prison.

So, this fellow, Chesa Boudin has now promised, according to Paul Kersey at V-Dare, to stop gang enhancements to stop criminals of color. It was the law in San Francisco that people who were arrested for serious crimes and had gang affiliations, that this meant a longer sentence for them, because the authorities were eager to bust gangs.

According to the San Francisco Chronicle, “one of Chesa Boudin’s first planned policy changes when he takes over as San Francisco’s District Attorney next month seeks to answer a question that has long ignited debates in this city:

Should people accused of crimes face harsher punishments if their actions allegedly benefited a street gang?”

PAUL KERSEY at Unz Review 13 Jan 2020:

Because Non-Whites Committing Violent Crime in California Frequently Are Gang Members, New San Francisco District Attorney Promises to Stop Gang Enhancements to Protect “Criminals of Color”

Previously on SBPDL:

San Francisco Chronicle Covers Up Black Violent Crime Epidemic in Six Percent Black City By… Blaming Whites for Low Clearance Rate in Black Homicides

“What I’m saying is that man had rights!”

Well I’m all broken up about that man’s rights.

— Dirty Harry

The new District Attorney of San Francisco has declared war on the criminal justice system. Why? All because the concept of law and order is, in his eyes, deemed to perpetuate “structural inequalities and white supremacy.”

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