Majorityrights Central > Category: Political Philosophy

(((Frank Meyer, father of paleoconservatism))) and its (((opposition))) to (((neoconservatism)))

Both in terms of its meta-contextual frames and in terms of its content, this piece is meant to deepen Greg Johnson’s account of the Alternative Right history and trajectory.

Steve Bannon has brought into high relief the underpinnings of the Alternative Right and has crystallized the underlying agenda - implicit White nationalist support was to be used via The Alternative Right/Lite to win for the Republicans and then, as usual, implicit White nationalism was to be discarded, the primary difference this time being that it was not in favor of the bracketed refurbished version of conservatism, “neo-conservatism”, but rather in favor of a bracketed refurbishment of paleoconservatism - Alt Right/Alt Lite contra “The Left” - i.e., contra ethno-nationalism.

- It begins with the philosophy of (((Frank Meyer))):

Frank Meyer saw himself more sophisticated and opposed to the simplified hawkishness of (((Irving Kristol’s))) neo-cons - who advocated neo-liberal policies domestically while advocating wars for Israel abroad.

Meyer and his paleoconservatism are actually a more virulent expression of Jewishness. He wanted Americans to identify with, support and affix Abrahamic culture domestically (calling things like that “conservative”), while allowing for politics conducive to mediating neo-liberal interests through feudalistic compradors and Jewish interests abroad.

He would call his paleocon philosophy “fusionism”, that is, a fusion of Judeo-Christianity and the Enlightenment philosophy of America’s constitution - though these values were an awkward fit (having mainly Cartesianism in common), Americans were familiar with them as “conservative.” Ronald Reagan was sold on the idea, seeing Meyer as a mentor of sorts, and groomed to be President.

This is the school of thought from whence came (((Paul Gottfried))), Reagan “conservatism”, Pat Buchanan, and Sam Francis.

That (((paleoconservative))) school of thought, in opposition to the (((neocons)))), became foundational for The NPI of Sam Francis and William Regnery II.

Update March 2020:

In the original form of this article, I make Gottfried seem more deliberately Pro Israel than he is, when it is rather the Paleocon take to soften the backlash against Jewry, particularly diasporic American Jewry, rooting its Abrahamic world view (and proxy Enlightenment values) by being not so strongly pro Israel and focusing rather on this “fusionism” of Abrahamism and Enlightenment values domestically.

Paul Gottfried was instrumental in getting the Regnery circus and with it, Sam Francis’ replacement, Richard Spencer, behind the sexed up paleocon 2.0 that became the Alt Right against “the left”, but its spiraling into a facile and fragile coalition (tentosphere) of the anti-social alliance (trap) that Spencer and Regnery manifest was a popular but toxic reaction (trap) in the coalitions’s Germanophilia - the common ground they have with Gottfried to begin with in this right wing, anti- left make-shift alliance.

By 2008 Paul Gottfried recognized that both the neo-con brand and the paleocon brand had shot their wad in terms of marketable brand name. If he was to be able to co-opt the White vote in order to use it to put the ultimately neo-liberal / pro Israel, while friendly enough to Jewish diaspora Republican party back in power, useful to Jews and oligarchs as usual, he needed to re-brand the agenda as something other than neocon, something other than paleocon even, rather as something “new”, “rebellious”, “anti-establishment” and the term and general concept of the Alternative Right was born - essentially not a big tent, but a tentosphere (a tent of tents) of anti-social types (anti-“leftist” was to be the common angle that they were seeded: meaning anti- the (((distorted and abusive))) social advocacy of (((“PC”))) - which, from a White ethnonational standpoint, should rather have been called by the term liberalism or cultural Marxism of the Frankfurt school). In order to be accepted into the Alternative Right tentosphere one had to be against this, what they called “The Left” and was duty-bound to tolerate one another’s guiding anti-social organizing ideologies - for any of a gamut of stigma, ranging from adulation of Jesus, Darwin, Abraham or Hitler - Jew friendly Alt Lite to Hard Right Hitler idolatry - you didn’t have to be in a particular tent of the tentosphere, but you had to treat its given array of tents as valid ....until perhaps the paleocon finally came to power. Then your job as an Alt Righter, your duty to use Whites to resurrect the Republican party and the reason for the fame you could not believe had been granted you was done - unless, perhaps, you remain sufficiently Abrahamic or otherwise stigmatically, didactically right wing enough to be sufficiently yoked.

It is all more sinister than that as you hear Steve Bannon, believing himself to be objectively the ultimate pragmatist on behalf of Western ideals, having affixed himself like a fat, blood-filled tic, valencing, full, sucking goy blood, the ultimate Shabbos Goy - vectoring the horizontal transmission of the bracket.

America’s and Europe’s White ethno-national bases are being sucked and directed into friend enemy distinctions exactly as the brackets see fit according to their evil Abrahamic god.

Whites may be allowed to live as useful cows, technoslaves or breeding partners for Jews, but otherwise they, like all other ethnicities besides Jews, are to be bred-out with others.

Paleocon world view, the Frank Meyer world view supplants what should be the friend / enemy distinctions for White ethno-nationalism.

Whereas the fundamental outgroups if not enemies should be Jews, Muslims, blacks and liberal traitors (in the case of Whites, usually operating under some right wing ideas, notably Christianity, Austrian school objectivism, supremacism, yes, paleoconservatism too, etc).

And against them, the fundamental in-groups should be White ethnonationalisms in alliance with Asian ethno-nationalisms…

Instead the Abrahamic world view determines the friend enemy distinction:

America’s (((controlled))) proposition nation is “us” if not our “friend”; Israel, Jews, at least the “nice” ones, are “us” if not our “friends”, the (((Russian Federation - parasitic propositional empire bigger than the moon; equipped with its Jews and Orthodox church))) is “us”, if not our “friend”; blacks, their staggering population explosion, bio-power and hyper-assertiveness are “us”, if not our “friends”; Islam, especially “moderate” Islam is “us” if not our “friend”: these shock troops and compradors are marshaled against White and Asian ethnonationalisms in alliance.

Bannon puts the major friend-enemy distinction as the brackets would have it in stark relief -

Buzzfeed, Steve Bannon: “The Judeo-Christian West versus atheists. The underlying principle is an enlightened form of capitalism, that capitalism really gave us the wherewithal. It kind of organized and built the materials needed to support, whether it’s the Soviet Union, England, the United States, and eventually to take back continental Europe and to beat back a barbaric empire in the Far East.

In the meantime, Richard Spencer has had a wad of Jewish scum shot all over his face - he and the Alternative Right have been used by the Republicans and the YKW as usual. Now for the futile reaction, also part of the plan…along with the placation:

Buzzfeed News, “This Is How Steve Bannon Sees The Entire World” 16 Nov 2016:

The soon-to-be White House chief strategist laid out a global vision in a rare 2014 talk, one where he said racism in the far right gets “washed out” and called Vladimir Putin a kleptocrat. BuzzFeed News publishes the complete transcript for the first time.

Donald Trump’s newly named chief strategist and senior counselor, Steve Bannon, laid out his global nationalist vision in unusually in-depth remarks delivered by Skype to a conference held inside the Vatican in the summer of 2014.

Well before victories for Brexit and Trump seemed possible, Bannon declared there was a “global tea party movement” and praised European far-right parties like Great Britain’s UKIP and France’s National Front. Bannon also suggested that a racist element in far-right parties “all gets kind of washed out,” that the West was facing a “crisis of capitalism” after losing its “Judeo-Christian foundation,” and he blasted “crony capitalists” in Washington for failing to prosecute bank executives over the financial crisis.

The remarks — beamed into a small conference room in a 15th-century marble palace in a secluded corner of the Vatican — were part of a 50-minute Q&A during a conference focused on poverty hosted by the Human Dignity Institute, which BuzzFeed News attended as part of its coverage of the rise of Europe’s religious right. The group was founded by Benjamin Harnwell, a longtime aide to Conservative member of the European Parliament Nirj Deva to promote a “Christian voice” in European politics. The group has ties to some of the most conservative factions inside the Catholic Church; Cardinal Raymond Burke, one of the most vocal critics of Pope Francis who was ousted from a senior Vatican position in 2014, is chair of the group’s advisory board.

BuzzFeed News originally posted a transcript beginning 90 seconds into the then-Breitbart News chairman’s remarks because microphone placement made the opening mostly unintelligible, but we have completed the transcript from a video of the talk on YouTube. You can hear the whole recording at the bottom of the post.

Here is what he said, unedited:

Steve Bannon: Thank you very much Benjamin, and I appreciate you guys including us in this. We’re speaking from Los Angeles today, right across the street from our headquarters in Los Angeles. Um. I want to talk about wealth creation and what wealth creation really can achieve and maybe take it in a slightly different direction, because I believe the world, and particularly the Judeo-Christian west, is in a crisis. And it’s really the organizing principle of how we built Breitbart News to really be a platform to bring news and information to people throughout the world. Principally in the west, but we’re expanding internationally to let people understand the depths of this crisis, and it is a crisis both of capitalism but really of the underpinnings of the Judeo-Christian west in our beliefs.

It’s ironic, I think, that we’re talking today at exactly, tomorrow, 100 years ago, at the exact moment we’re talking, the assassination took place in Sarajevo of Archduke Franz Ferdinand that led to the end of the Victorian era and the beginning of the bloodiest century in mankind’s history. Just to put it in perspective, with the assassination that took place 100 years ago tomorrow in Sarajevo, the world was at total peace. There was trade, there was globalization, there was technological transfer, the High Church of England and the Catholic Church and the Christian faith was predominant throughout Europe of practicing Christians. Seven weeks later, I think there were 5 million men in uniform and within 30 days there were over a million casualties.

That war triggered a century of barbaric — unparalleled in mankind’s history — virtually 180 to 200 million people were killed in the 20th century, and I believe that, you know, hundreds of years from now when they look back, we’re children of that: We’re children of that barbarity. This will be looked at almost as a new Dark Age.

But the thing that got us out of it, the organizing principle that met this, was not just the heroism of our people — whether it was French resistance fighters, whether it was the Polish resistance fighters, or it’s the young men from Kansas City or the Midwest who stormed the beaches of Normandy, commandos in England that fought with the Royal Air Force, that fought this great war, really the Judeo-Christian West versus atheists, right? The underlying principle is an enlightened form of capitalism, that capitalism really gave us the wherewithal. It kind of organized and built the materials needed to support, whether it’s the Soviet Union, England, the United States, and eventually to take back continental Europe and to beat back a barbaric empire in the Far East.

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In background preparation for a piece that Kumiko has coming up, which will set-out some hidden content and meta-frames of The Alternate Right in its history and current relation to President Elect Trump’s agenda, I decided that it would be helpful to provide a straight forward background of the Alt-Right - as detailed by one as capable as anybody of articulating its history and hoped-for future from an insider’s perspective - Greg Johnson. He was asked by French Marxist, Laura Raim, to trace the most important intellectual roots and references of the Alternative Right:

Laura Raim interviews Greg Johnson on The Intellectual Roots and References of The Alt Right.

Laura Raim:

The first question is, what are the intellectual roots and references of the Alt Right?

I read that some people say that it’s Sam Francis or James Burnham before him..

But what would you say would be the most important intellectual roots and references?

Greg Johnson:

Well, the term Alt Right, I believe was coined around 2008 by (((Paul Gottfried))).

He gave a lecture where he basically declared the paleoconservative movement dead.

I think in the same lecture he also called for the creation of an Alternative Right.

So, I see the Alternative Right as primarily emerging from the paleocon movement in American political thought -

And the paleoconservatives would be people like Samuel Francis, Joseph Sobran and Patrick Buchanan.

Now, Richard Spencer was working for The American Conservative which was founded by Patrick Buchanan, (((Taki))) and a couple other people, to be a kind of flagship for paleoconservativatism -

Paleoconservatism defined itself in contradistinction to Neo-Conservatism, which they were trying to combat.

The paleocon movement sort of got old, a lot of its leading figures died, it never really effectively institutionalized itself, never effectively mobilized large donors.

Of course Patrick Buchanan has written many best selling books and had a lot of media access, he was the main face of it but he’s getting old.

The American Conservative sort of lost steam.

(((Taki))) left, I believe, I can’t remember when but he did create (((Taki’s))) Magazine.

Richard Spencer ended up editing (((Taki’s))) Magazine for a while.

Then he left Taki’s Magazine and he created Alt-Right, um, “Alternative Right” in the beginning of 2010.

Sometime after that the fellow who was running Washington Summit Publishing and National Policy Institute, Louis Andrews died after a long battle with cancer.

So, those organizations were handed over to Richard Spencer.

I see really, primarily a continuity between the paleoconservatives and the birth of the term Alternative Right.

However, when the Alternative Right webzine was created, there was a fairly self conscious attempt to bring in a lot of different thought currents under that very vague umbrella -

That included things that were certainly not considered, uh, how to put it ..they weren’t necessarily welcomed in paleocon circles, and that would include things like:  neo-pagans, paleomasculinity, White nationalism, things like that.

And so, under that broad, sort of umbrella, there are a lot of different, uh, thought currents that sort of came together.

I actually wrote something about this at, I think it was the Occidental Quarterly On Line, just after the Alternative Right webzine launched. So if you want to cite that or quote that it’s there on the web somewhere.

After a couple of years Spencer, I believe, sort of lost interest in editing Alternative Right and other people took it over, really, on day-to-day functioning and then he shut it down and launched his Radix publication.

I thought that was in someways a good idea because he felt like he had lost control of the brand.

On the other hand, Alternative Right was becoming a generic term.

And if you invent something like .. if you have a product that becomes synonymous with a whole genre, like Xerox or a Walkman, or something like that, the last thing you do is throw away such a valuable brand - but he did.

He walked away from the brand and Colin Liddell and Andy Nowicki have kept that alive.

And then a few years .ah, well, the last two years of course the brand has become much more mainstreamed -

Because of its vagueness a lot of figures that are, again, sort of closer to the mainstream of conservatism than I am ... I would define myself as a White Nationalist and as a New Rightist.. not as a, uhm, Alternative Rightist, although I would use that term because its a broad enough umbrella to encompass me.

Laura Raim:

You are more specifically a White Nationalist

Greg Johnson: 

Yeah, and uh, I don’t feel the need to use sort of vague broad umbrella terms but other people do; just because of their well, because they’re not comfortable with being more specific; and I’m all for people being as explicit and involved as they want to be; and just respecting those decisions.

So, people like Milo Yiannopoulos, uh, Mike Cernovich, um, Vox Day, all of them, fairly prominent, connected with sort of the edgier reaches of the mainstream right, have started using that term (Alternative Right) as well.

Also a few people like Andrew uhm ...I’m blanking out his name…this is embarrassing… uh, the fellow that edits The Daily Stormer, uhm, Andrew Anglin..

Laura Raim: Oh, I know about him.

Greg Johnson:

Andrew Anglin of course ...as soon as, as soon as the term got popular, he started branding himself as Alternative Right.  And that was just, it’s sort of a douchy move on his part, a kind of trollish thing, to just kind of take advantage of the popularity of the term. And I don’t blame him in the least for that.

Anyway, it [Alternative Right] is a very broad umbrella term but the main intellectual root of it comes out of the paleoconservative movement.

Now, as to what defines it today, I think the real core, the heart of it, the energy of it,  really is White Nationalist, New Rightist people like that.

Laura Raim:

Richard Spencer writes, a “White Nationalist’ is sort of an identitarian.”

Greg Johnson:

Yeah, yeah. European identitarianism, that’s another term that we borrowed from Europe. It’s a good term, it’s analogous to libertarianism, it states what’s most important in your ideology, which is the preservation of your distinct racial, cultural and historical identity. So, it’s a good term.

That really is I think the, where all the real energy is. That is what’s generating a lot of the intellectual excitement, if you will ...on, on the right .... from the creation of memes and trolling and arguments.

In the past year and a half or two years, things that have come out of our sphere have actually started to shape mainstream political discourse….within the Republican Party for instance.

I think it was in 2012, Gregory Hood, at Counter-Currents, referred to mainstream conservatives as “cuckoled conservatives” - and that was really the inception of the “cuckservative” meme; which, when it became more widespread through Twitter, became a really effective barb that drove a lot of mainstream conservatives wild because it was so true.

So, we started shaping the discourse, and I think that’s very valuable.

Now, another current of thought that is sort of flowing into the Alternative Right,  that’s very important, is, the sort of breakdown of the libertarian movement . This is very important.

I used to be a libertarian years ago, and I sort of followed this intellectual journey along time ago. Then in 2008, when the Ron Paul movement was getting started noticing how overwhelmingly White that Ron Paul supporters were ...and, it was an implicitly White thing. They weren’t aware of the fact that this was a very White form of politics, it made sense more to White people than any other group.

And I was sort of betting at the time that a lot of these people would start breaking away from this and start moving in the direction of White identity politics.

And, when I was the editor of The Occidental Quarterly, near the end of that time, I actually set in motion an essay contest, on libertarianism and White racial nationalism. And the purpose of that was really to get our best minds to sort of think about this idea and create an analysis and work towards creating talking points that we could use to sort of ease the way of a lot of people toward our position. That, I didn’t think bore any fruit at the time, at least I didn’t see any.

A few years later, after the 2012 election campaign and the end of the Ron Paul movement, basically, within the libertarian sphere there was a real push by cultural leftists to basically just take it all over; and to eject anything that seemed conservative, patriotic or whatever; it became this leftist globalizing and really sometimes quite explicitly Jewish take-over.

What happened was that a lot of people were pushed-out by just revulsion. There were these intense discussion groups on line, where they, people would be battling one another about this. And a lot of people just left in disgust.

One of those online groups, a FaceBook group, actually became the source of The Right Stuff.

..therightStuff.biz, which now has The Daily Shoah, as their flagship podcast and so forth.

Those people are all ex-libertarians.

They moved out of libertarianism towards White identity politics in basically the same way that I did and other people have.

So, that really is a broad tributary that is flowing into White identity politics; and into the overall, Alt Right umbrella; and its a very vital force, too.

Most of the people involved in this are quite young. Most of them are quite educated. It’s very interesting. I had a dinner recently with some new young people who have come into it in the past six months to two years; and then some people who have been around for decades: and um, the contrast could not have been more marked, because really, the people who had been in this for decades were all kind of misfits, you know they were uh, socially awkward and weird people. And uh, the younger crowd coming in were mostly quite impressive, sort of fratty, preppy, squared-away people, many of them with ex-recent military careers; most of them in their twenties or around thirty; and just a very different look and feel to this: people with a lot of agency, discipline and organization.

Now, there are a lot of people that we call “autistes,” who are, if not outright autistic are at least on that spectrum.  They’re kind of socially awkward, yet they do perform valuable functions; they’re great meme creators and number crunchers.

But there’s also a large group of people coming into this who are just, they’re very normal; in their presentation, in their background; they’re the kind of people who, psychologically would not be inclined, to get involved with any kind of radical identity politics; but there’s a wind in our sails now. ..and they feel, not only conviction, but they also feel like this is something that they can put their effort into and it might actually bear fruit. So, there’s a great deal of excitement and intellectual vitality here.

And this is very interesting also uhm: one of the things that is sort of an internal, I guess, rift, within the Alt Right umbrella, is of course the Jewish question - I believe the term [Alt Right] was coined first by a Jewish writer, (((Paul Gottfried))), the paleocons have always been kind of friendly with Jews, publishing them and associating them in their conferences and things like that; and yet within the White Nationalist sphere there is a strong group of people who are quite critical of Jewish power and influence in our societies.

People like (((Milo Yiannopoulis and Mike Cernovich))) are Jewish to some extent, uh, in their identity - it’s kind of disputed in Cernovich’s case - because he put out his DNA profile and none of it came up Ashkenazic or Jewish at all. But there are people who left Russia claiming to be Jews who weren’t, so he might be descended from that kind of line.

But anyway, that is a factor: There is a Jewish camp and a Jewish friendly versus a Jewish critical camp, split within the Alternative Right.

One of the interesting things that I’ve now been hearing about is, young Jews, like, including young (((Orthodox Jews))), which seems like a very unlikely category, uhm, are now being drawn into this. You know, they’re reading Heatiste, they’re sharing Alt Right memes…

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There is a general agreement that liberalism’s highly conflicted ideological axes present as left ↔ right and something along the lines of “Get your fucking hands off me” ↔ “That’s enough, you little squirt - we know what is best for you”.  It is a good thing to have some idea, at least, of the general form and substance of the system in whose mighty span all the current political possibilities of the world are contained, and in whose rangy vistas one’s own little intellectual horizons are folded.  At least, if one is a liberal.  Or a Marxist, or a standard issue conservative.

But we are not liberals or Marxists or conservatives.  We are nationalists.  Our politics do not map anywhere on the liberal axes.  The tension which exists between genuine nationalism and any aspect of liberal politics clearly attests to that fact.  One has only to look at how left and right, ordinarily enemies in a permanent, often vicious trench war, throw over all disagreements to vote for the surviving non-nationalist candidate whenever nationalism threatens to achieve an electoral advance.

But what, exactly, is the form and substance of this outright opponent of the liberal Weltanschauung?  You would think that, as its ardent advocates, we would all know the answer to this very obvious question.  You would think that the salient extremes of a politics of natural interests, and so of life itself, must be screamingly obvious.  Not so.  Most of us probably don’t think of nationalism as a self-contained system of thought at all.  Most of us probably suppose, in a received-wisdom sort of way, that it arises from within the liberal canon as an historical corrective or digression.  Opinions to be found in the British mainstream media comment threads certainly support that thesis.  I lost patience long ago with the endless supply of mortally embarrassed nationalist thread-folk who, confronted with the too too awful accusation that Hitler was “right-wing”, fly at their accusers with the information that oh no, he was “left-wing”.  The clue is in the word “socialist”, you see.  Oh no it isn’t.  Oh yes it is.  Oh no … oh yes … oh no.

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The Alt-Right/Alt-Left has given birth to “new” (((White))) leadership.

“And this will be a sign for you: You will find a baby wrapped in strips of cloth and lying in a feeding trough.”—Luke 2:12 (ISV)

State of the art Jewish agenda - how it looks at this point vis-a-vis Trump: 

At this point it is evident that top echelon of Jewish interests have come to recognize that they and their race mixing agenda are so far ahead that they’ve decided to get good with the White right-wing, to blend with and steer their reaction.

Hence they have gotten out in front of the reaction that their PC liberalism has created in Whites; and with that, they are orchestrating the “White”  us / them, friend / enemy distinction.

Though I disagree with him on some important, fundamental issues, to give credit where credit is due, Wolf Wallstreet was incisive in his hypothesizing two differing agendas among Jewish elites: Plan A, of the Noel Ignatiev kind, wants to wipe Whites out completely - relatively more expressed by Hillary and Bill than Trump.

Plan B is taken by the kind of Jewish elite not quite so crazy and a bit more fore-thinking - realizing that they can use what they perceive as the “better breeds” of Whites, they want to leave some of them around to interbreed with and help steer their elitist political agenda - against interests that ethnonationalists shouldn’t be against and on behalf of interests that ethnonationalists should not be for.

Rather than wanting America, the proposition nation, to fall, with its neo-liberal component being a world’s foremost manufacturer and exporter of race mixing, rivaled only by Judaic, Islamic and Christian influences; they want the American political institution along with other Abrahamic/proposition nations to come more thematically, if not comprehensively under Jewish and neo-liberal lackey guidance.

A Trump victory does not only buy us some time, it buys them and their word-smiths some time - for one thing, to make (((the USA))) and (((the Russian Federation))) into good friends, and at one with (((White))) national politics.

Following the U.S. as an alternative right base, the Russian Federation is the Jews first option after Israel for a vector of parasitic control.

Needless to say that the U.S. is not an ethnostate, but neither is the Russian Federation, in either its vast size or content. As proposition nations, both are susceptible and heavily influenced by Jewish interests. Don’t believe the stuff that (((they))) have gotten (((the Alternative Right))) to believe about Russia being good friends to Assad - they disarmed a defense program that took Assad decades to develop in defense against Israel. And now Trump wants to let ISIL destroy Assad. Even more laughable is The Orthodox Nationalist claim that China is a solid ally with the Russian Federation. Not true to say the least.

The Russian Federation is not opposed to Israel and to Jews. The Russian Federation was complicit in the overthrow of Gaddafi.

The proposition nations of the US and the Russian Federation, along with those nations that Jewish and neo-liberal interests are turning into proposition nations through immigration and race mixing, are not strictly opposed to Islam as they are guided, but use Islam as shock troops and compradors to destroy ethnonationalism - as in the case of what they did to Gaddafi and in what Putin has done and Trump would do to Assad. Such is the case of Trump’s and Putin’s position with regard to Asian ethnonationalism.

Trump and the Jewish political class have installed a stance which is hostile to the idea of Asian ethnonationalisms entering any cooperation with White American ethnonationalist counterparts; as if Trump and the Jewish political class have as their chief concern a common interest with White American workers - that is Not true:

Business Insider, “Donald Trump said wages are ‘too high’ in his opening debate statement”, 10 Nov 2016

NPR, ‘How Trump Broke Campaign Norms But Still Won The Election’, 09 Nov 2016 (emphasis added):

JAMES FALLOWS: So [Trump’s] main point, it’s based on something that is in my view largely just wrong [...] factually incorrect—and that is the idea that essentially the economic problems America has is because China is—in particular but also Mexico and Japan and South Korea - are stealing our factories and stealing our jobs. [...] They’ve been losing them mainly to automation. They’ve been losing them mainly to the robotization of factories around the world. And that is why I can tell you from going back and forth to China that in every single country of the world, including China and Japan and South Korea and Mexico, the employment problem is the hollowing out of factory-type jobs because of automation.

It is a dubious prospect for ethnonationalists to want to “protect” the proposition nation anyway.

Right/Alt Right Misguidance Against Left Nationalism

By contrast to the right-wing objectivism that the Alternative Right is beholden to, which is manipulated and susceptible to Jewish and neo-liberal entryism, White ethnonationalism needs a position more characteristically White Left Nationalist: this would turn a critical eye toward the (((corruption))) of leaders of proposition nations such as Trump and Putin (if it can be said at all that Putin is in charge of ‘a nation’ rather than a parasitic aggrandizement larger than the moon) and what are becoming proposition nations ... such as those in Western Europe; at the same time it would turn a sympathetic eye toward and a cooperative stance toward the legitimate basis of ethnonationalism in Asia and the rest of the second world - in Europe exemplified by the Intermarium - to cooperate in our sovereign justice against the hegemony of Jewish interests, their misguiding of neo-liberal internationalism; as it backs shock troops and compradors among Islam and African population and biopower.

Trump has installed his contrasting, friendly, supportive stance toward black Americans (his singular racial/ethnic sponsorship, in fact) with his highly combative stance regarding Mexicans as if the former stance is strictly common ground with White ethnonationalism and both responses are anything but “solutions” to problems that his friends (YKW and right-wingers) created. But did you know that La Raza see themselves as a neo-race, aligned against blacks and against Jews? Who would have a problem with that?

Wikipedia, ‘Texas’ (emphasis added):

Under the Mexican immigration system, large swathes of land were allotted to empresarios, who recruited settlers from the United States, Europe, and the Mexican interior. The first grant, to Moses Austin, was passed to his son Stephen F. Austin after his death.

Austin’s settlers, the Old Three Hundred, made places along the Brazos River in 1822. Twenty-three other empresarios brought settlers to the state, the majority of whom were from the United States. The population of Texas grew rapidly. In 1825, Texas had about 3,500 people, with most of Mexican descent. By 1834, the population had grown to about 37,800 people, with only 7,800 of Mexican descent.

Many immigrants openly flouted Mexican law, especially the prohibition against slavery. Combined with United States’ attempts to purchase Texas, Mexican authorities decided in 1830 to prohibit continued immigration from the United States.

That law was an expression of Mexicans’ express prohibition of blacks in their territory. What’s the problem with prohibiting them?

A policy such as that, wrapped up in the fundamental base of La Raza’s ethnonationalism, is something that White ethnonationalists could strive to leverage cooperation with. “But no!” say the Alternative Right, “they are Leftist, we cannot cooperate with Leftists!”

White ethnonationalism might perhaps even cooperate with the Turkish Kurds against Erdogan ..but “no!”, say the Alt-Right, “we cannot cooperate with Leftist Kurds against Erdogan! - He believes in ‘god’, the god of Abraham… he follows laws in line with our Christian laws”, they continue, “... in line with…”

Erdogan’s administration, by the way, was almost as quick to congratulate Trump as Putin was.

Trump has aligned White interests with an obsequious stance toward Jews.

Say what you will, make your arrogant, snarky, condescending comments, gloating as you look downward, as the somebodies that you are now - bullfrogs perched on lily-pads - but if you think a choice between Hillary and Trump was anything but an expression of just how pathetic your objectivist aversion to decency and cooperation is, as it has been manipulated by the powers that be and continues to be, then you only increase the chance that your legacy will breed with Jews and other non-Whites, and your opportunity to participate as stewards of human and pervasive ecology will steadily decrease and steadily become more Jewish..

While we might take note of bonafide and cooperative ethnonational reasons as to why Japan was 93% in favor of Clinton, why the Philippines have set about to break with The US, etc…lets take a moment to give some kudos to White Americans and their advocates for exercising what was their better of two choices in a rigged deck.

Let me return a condescending congratulations to the Alt-Right on the stay of their execution….there is time to boil the frog slowly, where Kek does not jump out of the pot to reclaim itself as an Asian font of energy, culturally appropriated by Jewish hubris and misapplied by the Alt-Right, in near equal hubris.

Lawrence Murray is an excellent writer, obviously intelligent, not completely off theoretically - though still off, lets take a look at his victory lap with the still too meager, if not distorted, alternative right light that is thrown from the right wing torch that he carries:

The Right Stuff / Lawrence Murray, ‘Now I am become President, Leader of the Free World’, 09 Nov 2016:

On the far end of Manhattan’s West Side, a different story was unfolding at the Jacob Javits Center. A massive convention hall named after former New York senator (((Jacob Javits))), it was supposedly chosen for its glass ceiling, which Clinton would symbolically shatter as our first female president-elect. Instead, it became a glass pitcher of liberal tears. The choice for Clinton’s ill-fated coronation symbolized something else as well. (((Javits))) was a major force behind the 1965 Hart-Celler Act, which ended the country’s eurocentric immigration quotas and resulted in the rising tide of color we are currently grappling with. Each generation has become more “diverse,” and so in turn each cohort of new voters. It’s why New York was a solid lock for parachute candidate Clinton, and a hopeless cause for its native son, President Trump.

(((Native step-son indeed)))

ibid:

As the post mortems will surely tell us in the next few days, there just wasn’t enough turnout from voters of color. There just weren’t enough Hart-Celler Americans to stop President Trump. Not even the creation of an entirely new minority class over the last 50 years, Latinos, was enough to prevent a nativist and civic nationalist from being elected. But frankly, this was our last opportunity to strike back at the ballot. President Trump won by a wavy Caucasian hair. Having to literally drive the Amish to the polls in order to save the White race was poetic, though not a long-term solution.

But such problems are for another time, for now we celebrate. We celebrate the year that White populism shattered the glass ceiling of identity politics in the postwar West, as predicted. An article in The Atlantic puts it succinctly: “[President] Trump was carried to victory by a wave of right-wing populist nationalism, as working- and middle-class white Americans turned out in droves to vote.” President Trump’s victory is a monumental paradigm shift, or has the potential to solidify into one. The media called Teflon Don every name in the book and tried to tie him to all manner of anti-establishment heretics. President Trump did not waver; he undertook the hero’s journey and emerged victoriously in the name of the Amerikaner Shire.

Rather did (((The Atlantic))) inaugurate a paradigm shift from Jewish plan A to Jewish plan B - the slow Kek boil, the intermarrying with the frogs, er “Keks” who manage to jump out of the boiling pot.

ibid:

There is now a biblical flood of authors and pundits talking about “working class Whites,” “White voters,” “White males,” “non-college Whites,” “less-educated Whites,” “blue-collar Whites,” “rural Whites,” and even the unspeakable phrase “White identity politics.” This is yuuuge. We have a mandate from our folk for nationalism. The largest ethnic group in the West, the native peoples of Europe and their descendants in Greater Europe, is being recognized as an important political interest. Granted, it’s an interest that our rulers on both sides of the Atlantic insist must be vanquished, but that they must now name us explicitly is massively important to the spread of our ideas.

The concept of the enemy has returned to politics.

(((Whites))) with “leftist” enemies, with Asian enemies, “Islamic extremist” enemies and so far as they can help it (((and they can force choices that you should not want to make, such as Hillary or Trump))), “friends” with “moderate Jews”...“moderate Islam”....“moderate blacks”...  “friends with the right wing” - the “that’s the way it is” club, the Jesus suicide map club and friendkinstein club 88 - European neighbors be damned ..be friends with “the alternative right” and its (((entryist big tent, and with that perhaps the “alternative left”))).

ibid:

Get ready for the storm, because White people, this is your fault. Because of your existence, millions of members of designed oppressed groups must live in fear of being treated like outsiders.

While you are at it, brace yourself if you are an ethnonationalist, for the reality that the US has been the adversary of ethnonationalism in most cases, as in Vietnam, the Philippines, in Japan, the Turkish Kurds and more - indeed, where have they defended ethnonationalism?

ibid:

Americans will have to decide very soon—quickly—where they stand on President Trump. The choice now is pro-Trump or anti-Trump, and nationalists as much as anti-nationalists have made him into an avatar of American Whiteness.

That’s right, the Alternative Right has been co-opted into representation of their interests by that fool: that crass businessman, that mere promoter of the brand name attached to his failed, toxic assets as a means to pay off the Jewish financiers saddled with his shallow but grandiose vision, now intimately entwined with Jewish values - Donald Trump is here to represent (((White interests))).

ibid:

With his opponent out of the way (probably for good), where people stand on this choice will become much more salient.

With Hillary, the quintessential personification of the White man hating bitch out of the way, hopefully it will continue to feed their right-wing hubris to help highlight and distinguish them as they tend to obfuscate and muck-up the ethnonationalist agenda.

ibid:

Our position is not unassailable, but it is stronger than ever before. So we celebrate, that President Trump has given rise to nationalism, to America First, to formal recognition of the Alt-Right, to outing cuckservatives as #NeverTrump turncoats, to (((anti-globalist))) memes entering the public consciousness, to levels of shvitzing that shouldn’t even be possible, and more than anything else to hope for the future of our people, not just in the United States but around the world. This is as much a victory for White Americans as it is for Swedes, Australians, the British, the French, and other European peoples. We will make the world save for ethnocracy.

Jews have money and they know that they can buy their way into enough of you such that your (((Whiteness))) around the world will be mixed with their motives.

ibid:

We knew the world would not be the same. A few people laughed, a few people cried, most people were silent. I remembered the line from the shitlord scripture the Bhagavad Reeeeeeeta; Kek is trying to persuade the prince that he should save his people, and to impress him takes on his frog-headed form, and says, “Now I am become meme, the destroyer of cucks.” I suppose we all thought that, one way or another.

You aren’t Kek, but you are frogs, you are somebodies, somebody frogs on lily-pads; on water boiling slowly now; perhaps you’ll jump out of the pot and into the waiting arms of your kosher mates; before that, to prove your anti-Jewish credentials, perhaps you’ll do them a favor by exterminating the undesirables from among them, while also true to your (((Fuhrer))), killing those inferior “lefty” Whites.

Regarding your people’s history and future, the (((choice))) you get with U.S. politics is no choice.

The White Left has NOT issued its first, or any fatwa, as Nick Cohen asserts, but what The SPLC has done is tantamount to aiding and abetting one.

One may argue that Nick Cohen is as confused as his audience about the terms “left” and “liberal”, but it is not likely that someone with the name Cohen and entrusted to a prominent writing position at The Spectator is trying to be careful about clearly describing a platform to serve the full class of White interests - i.e., a White Left, not to be confused with liberalism, a confusion of terms promoted by his fellow tribesmen, and by which they’ve been able to confuse the public for decades now.

In fact, he does indulge in a new twist. Whether he fancies himself as being descriptive of White liberals (in his view, Jews, such as Mark Potok of the SPLC, would be included as White) or he has some idea of the power of our burgeoning White Left platform, and therefore seeks to confuse it pre-emptively, he is attributing to the term “White left” logics of meaning and action which do not follow from our platform of White Left Nationalism - The White Class.

Indeed, I had discussed the case of Maajid Nawaz with Kumiko, who had explained to me the irony of The SPLC placing this man on their “hate list.”

While I am against making the distinction between “radical and moderate” Islam, as I recognize all of Islam to be harboring and wielding our destruction, whether most active in a present episode or not, I would not go so far as to put at risk to a fatwa a man who has, in fact, come to denounce the more violent and destructive expressions of Islam and is trying to encourage other Muslims to take advantage of more healthy, moderate and liberal life possibilities.

Kumiko showed me this video of a speaking engagement of Nawaz’s, where he describes his project. She and I agree that Nawaz is a bit off in his recommendations - we would ultimately prefer a full denunciation of Islam in favor of Left Nationalism for his people, but also agree that such sudden prescription is both unrealistic and would be even more dangerous to him; as would our taking his side, in defense of him against the SPLC. Kumiko figured that we would not help him, that we would contextualize him in a way that exposes him more to Muslim violence by associating him with platforms (such as this) of White advocacy; while making an association here would also expose him to further Jewish vitriol, such as The SPLC placing him on their “hate list.”

Nevertheless, we think, “of all the Muslims to put on their hate list!” ?

The last straw for me though, making it a bad option to keep silent, was this Cohen guy trying to say that “The White Left” has issued a “fatwa” on Maajid Nawaz, when in fact it is The SPLC that is putting him at that risk, with a clear signal to more radical Muslims - “have a go at him, we wash our hands of defending him in his attempt to moderate Islam.”

Now then, for a look at the article which attempts to blame something which Cohen calls “the white left” for this.

The Spectator, “The white left has issued its first fatwa”, by Nick Cohen, 31 Oct 2016:

Maajid Nawaz

[Cohen]: I have never advised anyone to use the English libel laws. I spent years helping the campaign to reform them, and am proud of the liberalisation I and many, many others helped bring. I have to admit, though, our achievement was modest.

...and hypocritical, as now you misappropriate the term and in fact libel what would be a proper articulation of The White Left, if the term were disentangled from decades of Jewish journalese confusing “left and liberal;” and understood properly by contrast - by the public, and somehow by copyright law.

Ibid: Libel in England remains sinister in intent – the defendant has to prove he or she was telling the truth – and oppressive in practice. Parliament and the asinine Leveson inquiry into the press failed to tackle the horrendous costs, and kept libel as the preserve of the rich and the reckless. You can risk spending £1 million before a case comes to court. Despite reform, libel courts remain the place oligarchs and charlatans go to suppress the truth.

Well, I will not initiate a case against the sinister intent of Jewish media, even though I believe it is their sinister intent to prevent White (as in not Jewish) people from organizing, unionizing in their exclusive defense - a defense of those Whites who are relatively innocent, who are not right wing supremacists, but are rather characteristically cooperative, non-coercive separatists: White Left ethnonationalists -  that there is by contrast an antagonism, a persistent, sinister intent on the part of (((media, academia and other niches))) to confuse the term “left” with “liberal” when it applies to Whites and a would-be “White Left” in order to keep them from defending themselves against the genocide that is being launched against them by Jewish and neo-liberal interests: by means of open immigration of exploding non-White populations, “anti-racism” (i.e., prohibition of White discrimination on the basis of racial and ethnic groups, even in national interest), ubiquitous promotion of race-mixing, endless propaganda of Whites as evil, advancing non-White interests with and against the concept of “White privilege” applied across the board, to all Whites, as something to be “legally corrected” ...their right to abstain from forced contract and imposition undone - a feudal differentiation of laws which disadvantage White organized defense; compelling their mere servitude, their ultimate extinction enforced at the behest the YKW and neo-liberal PTB.

Not only would Cohen libel the term, “White Left,” saying “it has issued a fatwa” but he’s libeled The White Left also by associating it with neo-liberalism and the SPLC in its nefarious irresponsibility to put further at risk a man who is risking his safety to try to encourage more reasonable ways for Muslims.

The White Left is issuing no such fatwa against this man, and rather believes that his heart is in the right place, even if still a bit misguided.

Ibid: Last night, however, I found myself advising the anti-fascist campaigner Maajid Nawaz to sue in the London courts.  I even gave him the names of lawyers who would be happy to help. The attack he is facing is so grotesque, ferocious remedies seem the only response.

It is not “fascism” that he is campaigning against inasmuch as he is articulate - it is the right-wing feudalism of Islam and its (terroristic, if need be) imposition of imam compradores, radical shock troops and the feudal Muslim way of life against what would have been Left ethnoationlaist nations; if not for the destructive imposition as aided and abetted by neo-liberals.

Ibid: Nawaz’s enemy is not the usual user of the libel law: a Putin front-man or multinational. It is an organization that ought to share Nawaz’s values, but because of the crisis in left-wing values does the dirty work of the misogynists, the racists, the homophobes, the censors, and the murderers it was founded to oppose. It does it with a straight face because, as I am sure you will have guessed, the fascism in question is not white but Islamic. And once that subject is raised all notions of universal human rights, and indeed basic moral and intellectual decency, are drowned in a sea of bad faith.

Lets clarify what is really going on here, Nawaz’s enemies are right wingers, Jews (such as the SPLC) and neo-liberals who seek Islamic compradores and shock troops to disrupt Left ethnonationalsm.

Ibid: Nawaz is from Essex. He has fought and been beaten up by white British neo-Nazis. He fell in with Hizb ut-Tahrir while he was young. When he ended up in a torture chamber in an Egyptian jail, he abandoned Islamism for liberalism. Since then, he and his Quilliam Foundation have struggled against both the white far right and the Islamist far right. They have defended liberal Muslims and, indeed, all of us from lethal blasphemy taboos and the threat of terrorism. They respect freedom of speech, including the freedom of their enemies to speak. (When they asked me to introduce their report on online extremism, I was pleased to see them warning the state against the folly of trying to ban extremism rather than argue against it.) Quilliam and Nawaz support women’s rights and gay rights. They believe that there is no respectable reason why men and women with brown skins should not enjoy the same rights as men and women with white skins. They think they should try to stop young Muslims joining Islamic State, not just for the sake of the Yazidis they will take into sex slavery, or the civilians they will tyrannise and kill, but for the sake of the young Muslims themselves.

And now you would try to say that we, “The White Left,” are issuing a “fatwa” against a man who is trying to do this good work? Who is libelous here? Not The White Left: we issue no such fatwa. On the contrary, we commend his good intention.

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Rom Harré, Philosophy of science and psychology Professor at Oxford and Georgetown. Notable ideas: ethogenics, positioning theory

Contradiction in Lived and Told Narratives

Brownwyn Davies, University of New England, Australia

Rom Harré, University of Oxford

INTRODUCTION

The ubiquity of contradiction in human affairs has long been commonplace. Social contradictions were identified by Marx as the source of social change. Repertoires of mutually contradictory “personas” have been demonstrated to be characteristic of people living in complex societies (Argyle, 1976; De Waele & Harré, 1976). At the same time it is evident that there have also been powerful social norms requiring at least the appearance of consistency in displays of character, in modes of talking and writing and even in patterns of thought.

Research on language and social interaction, vol. 2; 1991/1992: 1-36

Though contradiction is a logical concept that names a relation between propositions, it has a well established use as a general metaphor for incompatibilities of many kinds. It is one of the concepts by which “modernity” has bee defined. So in post-modernity one would expect at least some of the uses of “contradiction” to be called into question, particularly those in which it has a normative role. According to Parker (1989, p. 48), modernity itself, “is contradictory: Its discourse promises scientific truth as the solution to humanity’s problems on the one hand, and on the other attributes responsibility and the power to make meaning to individuals.”

We two, as individual authors, have been both constituted by, and active participants in, the construction of that modern world. We now find ourselves fascinated by the spaces opened up by its deconstruction, particularly in the work of feminist authors (1) such as Weedon (1987), Walkerdine (1981, 1984, 1985), Haug (1987). This paper, then, stands at the interface between the modern and the post modern worlds: While still being caught up, inevitably, in the discursive practices of the modern world we nonetheless wish to make contradiction a topic for examination in light of such feminist post-modern/ post-structuralist writing.

As a person in our contemporary world one has access to many ways of talking about oneself and one’s activities in that world: that is, one has access to multiple forms and styles of discourse. These ways of telling may remain discreet and the contradictions that sometimes exist between them may not become manifest nor present problems for resolution or accommodation. But they may overlap. They may be used as parts of some larger whole. And within that whole they may be profoundly contradictory. Furthermore each discourse may itself be made up of contradictory elements. Billig et al. (1988) give the example of liberal discourse containing ideological commitments to the rights both of the individual and the collective. He also cites educational discourse which espouses as values both equality and authority. In each case there is a discreet discourse containing oppositional and and contradictory imperatives.

Yet one of the predominant features of ways of producing ourselves as persons in the modern world is to present what we do as relatively coherent and non-contradictory, both as we interpret what we do and in the various accounts that we give of what we have done and will do. Numerous strategies exist for dealing with blatant contradictions in those productions. For instance there is the bureaucratic device of “wearing different hats.” Each “hat” represents a different set of constraints, aims and repertoires of proper actions.

The movement from the complex array of lived experience to the relatively coherent stories that we tell about that experience will be a central focus of this paper. Like Haug (1987) we see lived experience as inherently contradictory and the appearance of coherence and and non-contradiction as discursive constructions. As Haug (1987) puts it, “human beings, in the process of their socialization, work at restructuring the given elements of their lives until such time as their existence becomes relatively uncontradictory: In other words until social action becomes possible.” We wish to explore how it is that non- contradiction has become such a fundamental requirement of the production of self and in contrast how the recognition of contradiction has been greeted by feminist post structuralist authors in particular as fundamental to understanding their experience.

Told and Lived Narratives

Told narratives

Told narratives, including both the stories one tells about oneself and other people, and those narrations we call literature and drama, are generally framed within coherent conventions of discourse and tend to show each character as continuous and often, though not always, as predictable. The purpose of told stories in everyday life is often to show how conflicts and contradictions have been, might be, or even should be dealt with (Sabini & Silver 1981). Told stories are usually finite with well marked beginnings and endings. An orderly state of affairs is interrupted by the appearance of a predicament, a course of events unfolds in which the problem is resolved, and a new orderly state of affairs comes into being (Harré,1979). Such stories appear as accounts, told versions of events that are used retrospectively to order the complex array of lived experiences. As Huag (1987, p. 48) says:

We are not assuming that human beings live according to plan, or in continuities, nor even that they are always determined by the same consistent factors…continuities are manufactured retrospectively in the mind.

One focus in this paper is on those discursive practices through which intelligibility and warrantability are created.

Lived Narratives

Told stories are the means of providing the narrative frameworks through which we interpret strips of lived experience as they occur, that is they serve to guide the actions that make up lived narratives. Who one takes oneself to be at any one time and what one takes oneself to be doing form essential parts of the lived narrative. One’s actions are played out with interactive others who provide one with (and whom one provides with) subject positions in the collective flow of talk. These positions may be taken up or refused (however difficult that refusal might be), by any one of the members of the momentary collective. Thus lived narratives inform readings of told narratives and told narratives inform lived narratives (Bruner, 1986; Davies, 1989; Davies & Harré, 1990)...

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First is not the same as most essential (inter esse), a take-away from prior thread.

Updated (significantly) the morning of October 18th CET

I agree that it is important to not set the bar too high and that is something which GW helps to articulate very well - i.e., the Heideggerian place of MidtDasein - by ensconcing the authentic consciousness of the subject in a world view that is not all that conscious - not feeling constantly compelled by the instrumental, for reasons too subjective, too objective, or too “the They” but resonating rather, with the emergent - he contributes thus significantly to the articulation of its authentic form, in this holding fast attention to resonance, from resonance of subjective emergence to resonance of the objective field, a position which does partake of the calculative (Cartesian) while not remaking stuck there, generally. On the other hand, also generally, Heidegger helps to not set the bar too high, by suggesting that authentic thinking generally occurs slowly, in a meandering, qualitative survey by poesis. While the subject is the inevitable entering point of caring interest, its viewpoint is calibrated authentically from there, taken away from inauthenticity and into engagement with its full organic process by re-attention to “there-being” (which occurs, I suppose, when resonance with a relative concern is particularly acute), from momentary concerns to a broad systemic view based in the relative interests (inter esse) of one’s folk (social group/midtdasein) within the emergent world - that is another description of midtdasein; and if the subject is centered not in objectivity, but within the purview of the folk, in praxis; and folk leaders share this view to their relative interests, the calibration of the group should feed back to serve the authentic interests of the subjective starting point which the subject will come back to inevitably in resonance - a resonance that should meld with the group’s interests, in the moment they seek to re-orient anew, to call back from estrangement their authentic position of caring. But if the subject is not getting sufficient feedback from the system, marginalized as such, their authentic concern would bring to bear their subjective perspective on the system’s inauthenticity, acting as a homeostatic corrective (I believe it was Heidegger’s student, Gadamer, who fostered this idea).

Thus, First - subject - isn’t the same as most Essential (inter-esse) - Midtdasein - subject ensconced in a world view of relation within the folk. In fact, the first subjective relation is not to this third person (Cartesian) point of view, but rather, the subject acting into relation of second person address - parental relation, as biological creatures with reflexive capacities unique among biological creatures. From that starting point, it moves into emergent and third person relation (us) to calibrate midtdasein - if the social system is correctly oriented - which it presently is not (because it is estranged, all too Cartesian: objective/subjective, all too moved into the third person “they”) - hence the need for centering not rigidly stuck in the Cartesianism of the psychological perspective, but in the communication perspective, in interaction, its affordance of a view confirmed and delimited by the relative interests of the human ecological system, beginning with the first to second person relation and then prompting engagement in non-universal maturity, to socialization in midtdasein - a worldview gauged against the relative interests of the social group. The interests of the subject as participant in the social group, its authentic being, are held fast as they naturally resonate in emergent delimitation against material reality, including its own affordances and constraints, matters of physics; and for the need to coordinate caring activity/existence in relation to the emergence of other authentic social groups, biological creatures, the necessities of their organic systems in emergent relation to our systemic organic necessities.

Heidegger does advise or describe as authentic then, a holding fast of this essence, the resonance of emergent qualities of the subject, the people, the MidtDasein and its world setting taken to heart.

The holding metaphor is interesting because it implies two separated appendages, or at any rate, the capacity to embrace and coddle that which is inbetween and captivate it to one’s subjective attention.

Adding

GW: Cartesian epistemology, then, is dangerously self-referential, and that applies to the Cartesian sum as well as its cogito ... to what the model can say about the subject.  Subjectivity truly is a chalk circle.

To break this, Heidegger proposed that every thing from a single particle to the universe has a being of its own and, therefore, a truth thereof which discloses itself to an action or state or site (depending on one’s interpretation) called Dasein.  Now, to overcome the difficulty of representation in the Mind, because thought, emotion and sensation are each, in their own way, representational, Hiedegger proposed essential thinking as the mind-activity which is active in Dasein’s way of seeing what is disclosed.

This is good in that it helps supply a much fuller understanding, encourages attention to where our subjective emergent qualities resonate with the emergent qualities beyond the subjective; but you are sweeping aside other aspects that Heidegger suggests for relieving Cartesian rigidity, viz., the idea of Caring, there-being (taking attention out of one’s head), the folk and their delimitation as such - these are not an affectation to Heidegger nor an arbitrary application.

You have reminded me of the aspect of Heidegger in which he calls attention to “spreading out what is interesting - inter esse - and taking to heart what is most essential - then holding fast” - that would be a Heideggerian means for subjective emergence resonating with emergent qualities of the objective…

The holding metaphor is interesting because it implies two separated appendages, or at any rate, the capacity to embrace and coddle that which is inbetween and captivate it to one’s subjective attention.

What you may not be respecting in what I am getting at is how Heidegger’s system would assign being to the folk - and how the subjective would have a different qualitative relation to it, within it, in midtdasein, than to the rest of the “site of disclosure”... it would be a relative quality and a Caring which goes beyond and then delimits the subjective perspective from The They and The The which would make a non-Cartesian difference. The holding metaphor which you remind me of in your attention to emergence is interesting.

Heidegger does advise or describe as authentic then, a holding fast of this essence of resonance of emergent qualities of the subject, the people, the MidtDasein and its world setting taken to heart.

GW: Only by fitting the two realms together may one reconcile false Dasein to “midtdasein” ... may one reconcile the formed personality, with all its error, to the “site” of disclosure of the thing which is the people.  That is what my Ontological Transit, in all its gauche simplicity, is designed to do.  Understand it before you criticise it.

Well, you can put it that way, its implied in what I’ve said, but rather than its being incumbent upon me to “understand” a reification like “the personality”, you might be open to understand before criticizing the reason why autobiography will provide a better means of fitting predilections of the corporeal self to the “site” of disclosure - which includes one’s folk.

I can appreciate that you want “personality” to fit a closer reading of the corporeal and its genetic expression, but the concept of autobiography is not mutually exclusive and will, rather, facilitate “the fitting together” of authentic expression of the personality and the “site of disclosure.”