Majorityrights Central > Category: Syndicalism

Muammar Gaddafi and Aisha Gaddafi.

R2P, the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ is the latest formulation which is used to rationalise just about any kind of arbitrary intervention without revealing the strategic and economic aims behind that intervention, lest those aims be subject to analysis or criticism in the international media.

Now that the situation in Libya has more or less settled into a repetitious cycle of instability of a predictably bad sort, it’s worth taking a retrospective look at the intervention, drawing together the various vectors which brought about this result.

Everyone likely remembers when Dick Cheney went on a sort of flamboyant tour talking down the Libyan intervention, because he thought it would result in disaster. The old Huguenot has many faults and has always been prone to over-extending his hand and overestimating the capabilities of the US military, but he is easy to understand because he actually is a true-believer in his own words, which means that he could at least be relied on to take the Global War on Terror seriously unlike many of his contemporaries. Cheney pointed out that even by R2P’s own logic, there was nothing to gain in terms of ‘weapons of mass destruction’ since Gaddafi had already given up his NBC weapons programme in 2003 and handed it all over to the United States.

Simultaneously, Libya had been an ally in the Global War on Terror and had collaborated repeatedly with the United Kingdom with intelligence sharing and even extraordinary rendition carried out against Islamist reactionaries of various stripes.

Cheney then invoked RAND RR637:

RAND Corporation, A Persistent Threat: The Evolution of al Qa’ida and Other Salafi Jihadists, 04 Jun 2014:

Research Questions

• What is the present status of al Qa’ida and other Salafi-jihadist groups?
• How has the broader Salafi-jihadist movement evolved over time, especially since 9/11?

This report examines the status and evolution of al Qa’ida and other Salafi-jihadist groups, a subject of intense debate in the West. Based on an analysis of thousands of primary source documents, the report concludes that there has been an increase in the number of Salafi-jihadist groups, fighters, and attacks over the past several years. The author uses this analysis to build a framework for addressing the varying levels of threat in different countries, from engagement in high-threat, low government capacity countries; to forward partnering in medium-threat, limited government capacity environments; to offshore balancing in countries with low levels of threat and sufficient government capacity to counter Salafi-jihadist groups.

Key Findings

The number of Salafi-jihadist groups and fighters increased after 2010, as well as the number of attacks perpetrated by al Qa’ida and its affiliates.

• Examples include groups operating in Tunisia, Algeria, Mali, Libya, Egypt (including the Sinai Peninsula), Lebanon, and Syria.
• These trends suggest that the United States needs to remain focused on countering the proliferation of Salafi-jihadist groups, which have started to resurge in North Africa and the Middle East, despite the temptations to shift attention and resources to the strategic “rebalance” to the Asia-Pacific region and to significantly decrease counterterrorism budgets in an era of fiscal constraint.

The broader Salafi-jihadist movement has become more decentralized.

• Control is diffused among four tiers: (1) core al Qa’ida in Pakistan, led by Ayman al-Zawahiri; (2) formal affiliates that have sworn allegiance to core al Qa’ida, located in Syria, Somalia, Yemen, and North Africa; (3) a panoply of Salafi-jihadist groups that have not sworn allegiance to al Qa’ida but are committed to establishing an extremist Islamic emirate; and (4) inspired individuals and networks.

The threat posed by the diverse set of Salafi-jihadist groups varies widely.

• Some are locally focused and have shown little interest in attacking Western targets. Others, like al Qa’ida in the Arabian Peninsula, present an immediate threat to the U.S. homeland, along with inspired individuals like the Tsarnaev brothers — the perpetrators of the April 2013 Boston Marathon bombings. In addition, several Salafi-jihadist groups pose a medium-level threat because of their desire and ability to target U.S. citizens and facilities overseas, including U.S. embassies.

Recommendations

• The United States should establish a more adaptive counterterrorism strategy that involves a combination of engagement, forward partnering, and offshore balancing.
• The United States should consider a more aggressive strategy to target Salafi-jihadist groups in Syria, which in 2013 had more than half of Salafi-jihadists worldwide, either clandestinely or with regional and local allies.

Now, why would Dick Cheney be going around hawking this research in defiance of the US government in 2014? We know that it is not due to the usual partisan party-political reasons, because US party-political divisions are largely illusory anyway. The only explanation is that he seriously thought that the US was doing something that he didn’t think it was ‘supposed’ to be doing.

This means that there was a fundamental rift between Dick Cheney’s view of reality, a view of reality which had evolved between 2001 and 2007, and the new (or old, depending on how you look at it) reality that had asserted itself after 2011 as Hillary Clinton happened to be steering the ship of foreign policy as Secretary of State. This is not due to a difference in character of the individuals per se, but rather, a difference in the circumstances at the time, which Cheney had not caught up to because he was no longer in office and was not subject to the countervailing winds of lobbying (this includes not only positions taken by companies, but also positions taken by whole states, significantly, Israel and its ‘Clean Break’ programme going into effect in Libya) which reflect the change in economic necessity. Cheney is still living ‘in 2007’. The logic of capital was thus partially revealed through the nature of the ‘gap’ between Cheney’s—now out of office—and Clinton’s—then in office—understanding of the situation.

After 2001, there was the perception among the Americans—or at least, it appeared that such a perception existed—that the days of leveraging Salafist-jihadists as a tool of American foreign policy had ended, because the events of 11 September 2001 had shown them that a new enemy had emerged and that this enemy was the very same Salafist-jihadism that they had been patronising in one way or another through the Cold War and its immediate aftermath. Some of the Americans seemed to actually be of that mind themselves, and so it may not have been a mere perception.

However, we live in a reality in which material economic factors have predominance over the idealist conceptions, and in cases where the two do not line up, the longer the timeline is extended, the more the economic factors come into predominance. As Friedrich Engels said:

Marx and Engels Correspondence, ‘Engels to Borgius’, 25 Jan 1894 (emphasis added):

Their efforts clash, and for that very reason all such societies are governed by necessity, which is supplemented by and appears under the forms of accident. The necessity which here asserts itself amidst all accident is again ultimately economic necessity. This is where the so-called great men come in for treatment. That such and such a man and precisely that man arises at that particular time in that given country is of course pure accident. But cut him out and there will be a demand for a substitute, and this substitute will be found, good or bad, but in the long run he will be found. That Napoleon, just that particular Corsican, should have been the military dictator whom the French Republic, exhausted by its own war, had rendered necessary, was an accident; but that, if a Napoleon had been lacking, another would have filled the place, is proved by the fact that the man has always been found as soon as he became necessary: Caesar, Augustus, Cromwell, etc. While Marx discovered the materialist conception of history, Thierry, Mignet, Guizot, and all the English historians up to 1850 are the proof that it was being striven for, and the discovery of the same conception by Morgan proves that the time was ripe for it and that indeed it had to be discovered.

So with all the other accidents, and apparent accidents, of history.

The further the particular sphere which we are investigating is removed from the economic sphere and approaches that of pure abstract ideology, the more shall we find it exhibiting accidents in its development, the more will its curve run in a zig-zag. So also you will find that the axis of this curve will approach more and more nearly parallel to the axis of the curve of economic development the longer the period considered and the wider the field dealt with.

In Germany the greatest hindrance to correct understanding is the irresponsible neglect by literature of economic history. It is so hard, not only to disaccustom oneself of the ideas of history drilled into one at school, but still more to rake up the necessary material for doing so. Who, for instance, has read old G. von Gülich, whose dry collection of material nevertheless contains so much stuff for the clarification of innumerable political facts!

For the rest, the fine example which Marx has given in the Eighteenth Brumaire should already, I think, provide you fairly well with information on your questions, just because it is a practical example.

By quoting this, am I implying now that the United States and some of its allies have been drawn into finding it economically ‘necessary’ to support Salafist-jihadists? Yes, it seems that economics has reasserted itself.

Previously I had, with some degree of confidence, said this on the issue:

Kumiko Oumae / Majorityrights, ‘North Atlantic: You Have Spread Your Dreams Under Their Feet’, 11 Jul 2015 (emphasis added):

Islamists feel that their economic and social relevance is being sidelined by the dominance of international finance capital and the national bourgeoisie of countries in the developing world who have been activated by the unbinding of the circle of North Atlantic finance that took place after the 1970s. After the 1970s, capital flowed out of the North Atlantic area and into the developing zones in the periphery.

As a result of that movement of capital, social transformations took place, which Islamist reactionaries of different sorts interpreted as being a threat to their own dominance over the civic spaces - some of these being countries, some of them being zones within countries - in the Middle East and Central Asia.

However, this chaotic process, out of which a new order will emerge, is entirely necessary and is justified by the role that the actors in the North Atlantic are playing. I use the word ‘justified’ not in the petty-moralist sense of the term, but rather, in the scientific and economic sense of the term. The international financial system exhibits its justification for existing - its historical role - through the fact that it takes its surplus wealth and uses it to wend its way through every corner of the earth looking for new ways to engender the development of productive forces. This is a role that it will continue to be justified in taking on, until such time as it exhausts its progressive potential and is necessarily sublated and superseded by new social and economic systems, ones which would be established on socialist or syndicalist foundations. There is considerable evidence since 2008 that the system of international investment is already approaching its structural limits, and that various actors are attempting to explore those limits. And that after the development and interconnectivity of South East Asia is completed, ‘zero-profit capitalism’ could next emerge.

It’s clear now that the progressive potential of American and French capitalism is drawing to a close. Whereas previously the trajectory seemed to be that these states would find themselves locked into a zero-sum conflict over the fate of the Arc of Instability, the present interest of monopoly capital in maintaining their market share in the face of competition from elsewhere, is to enter into a ‘Holy Alliance’ of compromise and retrogression in which the United States and France begin to cooperate with their former ecclesiastical and feudal adversaries against a common threat of expropriation in the local sphere. They find themselves united in a common antipathy toward socialism, to shore up their global hegemonic position.

Bold statement, right? Do I have any proof at all to justify this view? Yes. See here:

U.S. Department of State Case No. F-2014-20439 Doc No. C05779612 Date: 31 Dec 2015:

I don’t think that requires any particular comment. It practically speaks for itself.

However, could any of this have happened without tacit Russian consent? Let’s continue our retrospective:

The Jamestown Foundation, ‘Russia Placing Itself Above the Fray in Libya’, 29 Apr 2011 (emphasis added):

Russia made the US/NATO military intervention in Libya possible in the first place, by abstaining in the UN Security council vote on resolution 1973, rather than vetoing it. Russia’s March 27 abstention was a diplomatic masterstroke, poorly understood at that point by the Obama administration, which credited its “reset” for the Russian green light. As Konstantin Kosachev, chairman of the Duma’s International Affairs Committee, spelled it out: By abstaining, Russia has positioned itself to demand full observance of the resolution’s provisions by those who voted for it, and without sharing responsibility with those countries for the political consequences of their intervention (EDM, April 25).

As it turns out, the Western belligerents have undertaken this operation with insufficient forces; the US has withdrawn its most effective strike planes prematurely from action; and NATO — to which the US has largely devolved the operation — fights with one hand tied behind its back, unable to reinforce and escalate as long as Russia does not approve this via the UN Security Council, or by some tacit arrangement.

Arming the rebels is a poor option because it would simply prolong the conflict without a decisive outcome, absent of a massive US/NATO offensive. The top rebel commander, General Abdel Fattah Yunis, has rushed to Brussels, with a shopping list of weapons for insurgent forces that are yet to be trained. “We don’t mean light arms,” Yunis clarified for the press in Brussels. He wants Apache helicopters, anti-tank missiles, and torpedo boats for the rebel forces. “NATO has everything,” he judged (Interfax, April 28).

Russia will not necessarily or permanently veto a massive US/NATO offensive. Moscow will almost certainly negotiate its position, seeking trade-offs on issues of priority interest to Russia. For the time being, it can de facto tolerate an incremental escalation of offensive operations, insufficient for Western belligerents to win quickly, but sufficient to entangle them in yet another protracted conflict. If this scenario materializes, Moscow plans to emerge in some mediator’s role above the fray. And irrespective of the tempo of military operations, Russia is set to collect a windfall on European oil and gas markets, due to the halt in Libyan supplies for an indefinite period.

And:

The Jamestown Foundation, ‘Russia Unveils Political Objectives In Libya’, 21 Apr 2011 (emphasis added):

Based on statements by Medvedev, Foreign Affairs Minister Sergei Lavrov, and other officials (“Moscow Positioning to Exploit Libya Stalemate,” EDM, April 21), Russian objectives at this stage in the Libya conflict can be summed up as follows:

1.  An early ceasefire in place, to be followed by mediated negotiations between Muammar Gaddafi’s government and the insurgents. Russia opposes regime change in Tripoli, but seems noncommittal on two key issues: Gaddafi’s personal departure from power and Libya’s territorial unity. With or without Gaddafi, an early ceasefire in place would result in dividing Libya de facto into eastern and western territories, pending an uncertain outcome of negotiations between Tripoli and Benghazi.

2.  Adherence to the UN Security Council’s existing mandate, which is limited to enforcement of a no-fly zone. Russia tolerates US/NATO air strikes in support of the outgunned insurgents, but opposes any ground operations, or arms supplies and training, to the same insurgents. Such prohibitions ensure the military superiority of pro-government forces, while the air strikes merely help the insurgents to fight defensively. Thus, Russian policy favors an inconclusive, open-ended civil conflict in Libya.

3.  No legitimate US/NATO actions without the UN Security Council’s, i.e. Russia’s, consent. Russia wants the Security Council to evaluate NATO’s compliance with the relevant resolutions on Libya. Such deference to the United Nations (instrumental in Moscow, ideological in the Obama administration) can open a way for Russia to affect NATO policy decisions through its role in the UN Security Council.

4. A halt on Libyan oil and gas supplies to the European continent. Russia gains from the unexpected interruption of those supplies and is interested in a prolonged halt. This has become, tacitly but indubitably, a Russian objective in the Libya crisis. Thanks to this conflict, Russia free-rides on higher prices for its oil and gas; it can increase its market share in Italy, Austria, Germany, and potentially other European countries; and gains more lobbying power for Russian energy projects that increase European dependence on Russian supplies.

Beyond the objectives linked directly with this conflict, Moscow has a broader interest in seeing the US and NATO tied down in wars of choice and other protracted confrontations. These increase Russia’s leeway for action in ex-Soviet [Central Asian] territories, Russia’s top priority. Moscow must welcome the disproportionate allocation of Western resources to expeditionary wars from shrinking defense budgets in NATO Europe, where lack of military investment stands in contrast with Russia’s ambitious military modernization program.

So, that’s that. My intent was not to rehash things that are already known, but rather, to draw a view of the conflict which may not be known to the average observer, particularly not observers taking the positions favourable to Russia that have become standard to “WN” and “the Alternative Right”. Positions which are of course completely at odds with the actual nature of the Russian Federation.

Part two will fill in some gaps on the role of Israel and Ethiopia in the Libyan conflict and its aftermath, as both countries made strategic gains as a result and were invested in the outcome. So stay tuned for that.

First is not the same as most essential (inter esse), a take-away from prior thread.

Updated (significantly) the morning of October 18th CET

I agree that it is important to not set the bar too high and that is something which GW helps to articulate very well - i.e., the Heideggerian place of MidtDasein - by ensconcing the authentic consciousness of the subject in a world view that is not all that conscious - not feeling constantly compelled by the instrumental, for reasons too subjective, too objective, or too “the They” but resonating rather, with the emergent - he contributes thus significantly to the articulation of its authentic form, in this holding fast attention to resonance, from resonance of subjective emergence to resonance of the objective field, a position which does partake of the calculative (Cartesian) while not remaking stuck there, generally. On the other hand, also generally, Heidegger helps to not set the bar too high, by suggesting that authentic thinking generally occurs slowly, in a meandering, qualitative survey by poesis. While the subject is the inevitable entering point of caring interest, its viewpoint is calibrated authentically from there, taken away from inauthenticity and into engagement with its full organic process by re-attention to “there-being” (which occurs, I suppose, when resonance with a relative concern is particularly acute), from momentary concerns to a broad systemic view based in the relative interests (inter esse) of one’s folk (social group/midtdasein) within the emergent world - that is another description of midtdasein; and if the subject is centered not in objectivity, but within the purview of the folk, in praxis; and folk leaders share this view to their relative interests, the calibration of the group should feed back to serve the authentic interests of the subjective starting point which the subject will come back to inevitably in resonance - a resonance that should meld with the group’s interests, in the moment they seek to re-orient anew, to call back from estrangement their authentic position of caring. But if the subject is not getting sufficient feedback from the system, marginalized as such, their authentic concern would bring to bear their subjective perspective on the system’s inauthenticity, acting as a homeostatic corrective (I believe it was Heidegger’s student, Gadamer, who fostered this idea).

Thus, First - subject - isn’t the same as most Essential (inter-esse) - Midtdasein - subject ensconced in a world view of relation within the folk. In fact, the first subjective relation is not to this third person (Cartesian) point of view, but rather, the subject acting into relation of second person address - parental relation, as biological creatures with reflexive capacities unique among biological creatures. From that starting point, it moves into emergent and third person relation (us) to calibrate midtdasein - if the social system is correctly oriented - which it presently is not (because it is estranged, all too Cartesian: objective/subjective, all too moved into the third person “they”) - hence the need for centering not rigidly stuck in the Cartesianism of the psychological perspective, but in the communication perspective, in interaction, its affordance of a view confirmed and delimited by the relative interests of the human ecological system, beginning with the first to second person relation and then prompting engagement in non-universal maturity, to socialization in midtdasein - a worldview gauged against the relative interests of the social group. The interests of the subject as participant in the social group, its authentic being, are held fast as they naturally resonate in emergent delimitation against material reality, including its own affordances and constraints, matters of physics; and for the need to coordinate caring activity/existence in relation to the emergence of other authentic social groups, biological creatures, the necessities of their organic systems in emergent relation to our systemic organic necessities.

Heidegger does advise or describe as authentic then, a holding fast of this essence, the resonance of emergent qualities of the subject, the people, the MidtDasein and its world setting taken to heart.

The holding metaphor is interesting because it implies two separated appendages, or at any rate, the capacity to embrace and coddle that which is inbetween and captivate it to one’s subjective attention.

Adding

GW: Cartesian epistemology, then, is dangerously self-referential, and that applies to the Cartesian sum as well as its cogito ... to what the model can say about the subject.  Subjectivity truly is a chalk circle.

To break this, Heidegger proposed that every thing from a single particle to the universe has a being of its own and, therefore, a truth thereof which discloses itself to an action or state or site (depending on one’s interpretation) called Dasein.  Now, to overcome the difficulty of representation in the Mind, because thought, emotion and sensation are each, in their own way, representational, Hiedegger proposed essential thinking as the mind-activity which is active in Dasein’s way of seeing what is disclosed.

This is good in that it helps supply a much fuller understanding, encourages attention to where our subjective emergent qualities resonate with the emergent qualities beyond the subjective; but you are sweeping aside other aspects that Heidegger suggests for relieving Cartesian rigidity, viz., the idea of Caring, there-being (taking attention out of one’s head), the folk and their delimitation as such - these are not an affectation to Heidegger nor an arbitrary application.

You have reminded me of the aspect of Heidegger in which he calls attention to “spreading out what is interesting - inter esse - and taking to heart what is most essential - then holding fast” - that would be a Heideggerian means for subjective emergence resonating with emergent qualities of the objective…

The holding metaphor is interesting because it implies two separated appendages, or at any rate, the capacity to embrace and coddle that which is inbetween and captivate it to one’s subjective attention.

What you may not be respecting in what I am getting at is how Heidegger’s system would assign being to the folk - and how the subjective would have a different qualitative relation to it, within it, in midtdasein, than to the rest of the “site of disclosure”... it would be a relative quality and a Caring which goes beyond and then delimits the subjective perspective from The They and The The which would make a non-Cartesian difference. The holding metaphor which you remind me of in your attention to emergence is interesting.

Heidegger does advise or describe as authentic then, a holding fast of this essence of resonance of emergent qualities of the subject, the people, the MidtDasein and its world setting taken to heart.

GW: Only by fitting the two realms together may one reconcile false Dasein to “midtdasein” ... may one reconcile the formed personality, with all its error, to the “site” of disclosure of the thing which is the people.  That is what my Ontological Transit, in all its gauche simplicity, is designed to do.  Understand it before you criticise it.

Well, you can put it that way, its implied in what I’ve said, but rather than its being incumbent upon me to “understand” a reification like “the personality”, you might be open to understand before criticizing the reason why autobiography will provide a better means of fitting predilections of the corporeal self to the “site” of disclosure - which includes one’s folk.

I can appreciate that you want “personality” to fit a closer reading of the corporeal and its genetic expression, but the concept of autobiography is not mutually exclusive and will, rather, facilitate “the fitting together” of authentic expression of the personality and the “site of disclosure.”

Taking the hermeneutic turn and praxis - Vico: first in defiance upon Descartes.

The Terms As DanielS Deploys Them.

Caveat: I’m likely to continue to work on these definitions for a little while even after I post this, so let that be a warning to whomever might find that disconcerting….a few more small, clarifying adjustments as of Wednesday, 2 November morning, CET

Left - social group conceptualization, unionization and accountability thereof, which, by definition thus, and by diametrical contrast to the tendency of liberalism, seeks to distinguish and designate in-groups and out-groups and ways, with an eye toward systemic maintenance of the in-group (and concomitant routinized coordination with outgroups) in leverage against destructive and unnecessary injustice to social capital, inhumaneness, natural hazard, and against out-group antagonism. It is vigilant of elite accountability because their betrayal can do most ready harm, but it sees fit to accountability to and from rank and file as well.

Because it implies a union of in-groups as opposed to out-groups, it is necessary to specify, with a prefix, which “left” one is advocating or denouncing.

Through my experience and assessment, it is clear to me that Jewish and liberal interests do not want us to deploy this organizing, unionizing function on our behalf but rather want to deploy this notion of unionized advocacy against Whites, in liberalization of our bounds and borders; thus, they obfuscate, where they do not outrghtly prohibit White organization as such. They want to confuse Whites and have them argue against their own interests, by having them argue against “The Left”, i.e., arguing against their own social organization and compassion with the mistaken idea that the liberalism of those who would seek to disrupt our group defense and maintenance is “The Left” - though it is not a left for us, for our exclusive unionization; for us, rather, it is liberalization. However, they’ve succeeded in getting WN and Alternative Right to do just that - to talk in terms of “The Left” being the enemy, along with it, imputing several ideas that would not be true of a White Left, as I define it - for prime example, it is not about equality/inequality - to argue against “equality” is to chase a cunning red cape posed by the Red Left - viz. Jewish inspired international coalitions of anti-White unions have been supplied this notion to dangle before potential adherents and to bait the right, inducing a spooking reaction against social mindedness on their part. Even recently, to my shock, GW thought that I was advocating “equality” (though I’ve been explicit not to do that in several articles discussing incommensurability) and against “elites” though I’ve never been against elites and their abilities (but against their abuse and betrayal, if there is that, of course). Nor is it applying unnatural concepts - there is a significant difference between treating “the White race”, say, as a largely precise working hypothesis, very real but interactive and verifiable, as opposed to treating it as an exact but imagined concept to be imposed upon reality, or denied reality.

Commensurability and incommensurabilty, that is, how the rule structures of entities and their trajectories, behaviors or practices match up or not, is a superior conceptual tool to equality/inequality, as it takes into account qualitative issues and the appropriateness or not of comparison and competition, the appropriateness or not of positions within ecological niches - It is superior in terms of practicality, not trying to put things together that don’t work together; and it is superior in particular in the capacity to acknowledge human dignity, place and part; to avoid conflict as a result of false comparison.

In a White Left, I am primarily concerned with EGI. I recognize economics to be important, of course, but the social organizing function of EGI is my primary concern. The union would correspond with what we know as the White/European race, with subsidiary categories for its subgroups and nations.

It takes account of facts which are more objective, but has as its foremost concern the relative interests of the group and thus, those objective facts are applied with the interest of that criteria and its coordination in mind. Of course it is going to be in the interest of the group for those who are doing well to keep doing well.

The White Left is not antagonistic to elite capability and reward but rather has an eye toward its accountability to and from group interest and has an eye toward accountability of and to the rank and file to keep them in line and happy for their part in homeoestasis - systemic maintenance.

The White Left is separatist, not supremacist; it aspires to restore the sovereignty of European peoples and their vast majority in native European states and territories - to be sovereign for the purpose of securing our EGI there and in other continents - the Americas, Australia, New Zealand. But because The White Left employs the supranational concept of unionization, “The DNA Nation”, it is operative independent of territoriality.

The White Left is Left Ethno-nationalist and thereby not imperialist.

As I have said before, this view is like a cat, landing on its feet in providing good orientation and perspective every time - it is inherently stable in its view on the group, the potential traitor and the outgroup..

Liberalism - the tendency for individuals to want to be free of in-group unionization, ways and accountability, free of their inherent forms, in extreme expression; and to welcome what had been outsider individuals and ways into the group with limited accountability - hence, their preference for objectivist, “naturalistic” ideas - because “that’s just the way it is.” Objectivist international capitalists and Jewish interests would be interested in taking advantage of this and therefore promote it to Whites, who are vulnerable to it for known reasons.

The Right - a tendency to want to be unburdened of group responsibility and consideration, and thus to divine authority, supranatural theory or facticity and objectivism - I mean by that aspired-for objectivity (as if one has no concern for subjective and relative interests) thus, “objectivism” as opposed to “relative” and “subjective”. The objectivism of which I speak is not Ayn Rand’s objectivism (which is more like subjectivism, in subjective interests, actually) though most other aspects of libertarian objectivism are objectivist. Objectivism, subjectivism and relativism are not perfectly separable, but one or another of these can be emphasized to the expense of another. By facticity, I mean an insufficient liberation from arbitrary subjugation to the flux of facts for lack of hermeneutic, narrative/ conceptual resource (hermeneutics is defined a few paragraphs below) or failure to recognize its resource to liberate one (through principles or rules based historical experience, narrative sequence that can provide agentive coherence) from the fact that facts are under-determining for human orientation and imagination; thus require hermeneutic, conceptual or narrative orientation.

The right emphasizes the objective, usually for the purpose of hiding their relative group (left) interests (that tends to be the hidden motive where aliens are imposed upon them against their will and they cannot forthrightly proclaim their relative group interests - they have to say, “well, these are just facts”), or hiding elite interests, a wish to not be accountable, perhaps even to betray group interests. Thus, they are anti-social and rather try to argue against group accountability sheerly on the basis of objective facts (or religions beliefs). What group organization that happens stance then despite their rational blindness (”It has nothing to do with my subjective/relative interests, that’s just the way it is, I/we have no part in what happens and thus no social accountability”) tends to lead to elitism, supremacism, imperialism but ultimately disorganization and dissolution for its inherent instability (add to that instability can also be due to insufficient respect for relativist praxis - social girding - by contrast to strained-for objectivism - for universal foundations, etc - tends to have a reflexive effect of hyper-relativism)...which brings us to “The Alternative Right.”

The Alternative Right is Paul Gottfried’s Jewish coinage because Jews are desperate that there not be a White Left. The Alternative Right, then, has become a successful Jewish trick to get all of the anti-social reactionary movements into a relatively controlled opposition - the Nazis, the scientistic, the Jesus people, those who want to include Jews within our in-group and allow them to define our terms, despite all evidence that that should not be done.

There is an inherent rule for those who want to be included as part of this tentosphere - an Alt Right tent of tents, which includes tents that reject the term and some of its tents - you have to allow for the other’s anti-social positions and basically argue against “The Left.”

This can assimilate praxis and practicality for a time - its true that it will be allowed attention by Jewish media and gain popularity with reactionaries, coordinating them for a time; and it is true that it is difficult to circumscribe, pin-down and counter for a time; but it will be countered where it does not come apart because it is anti-social, lacking the grounding of optimal praxis and thus inherently unstable.

That pretty much rebuts Colin Liddell’s recent claim that this amorphousness of the Alternative Right is an “advantage, because they can’t be easily categorized and countered by our enemies.” That may be somewhat true for a time, but their ambiguity ultimately provides means for subversion and misdirected conflict nevertheless…ultimately, the lack of unity will lead to dissolution. And, on the other-hand, so what if people understand where The White Left is coming from? Yes, that’s right. This is who we are, and as such we can coordinate well with other peoples. And this is who we are not, people who have not learned from right-wing, supremacist, imperialist history.

Crowder, the “new leader of the Alt Right”, providing “immunity from subversion and disunity” (lol)

To give you a prima facie idea of how ridiculous the Alternative Right is by contrast, their premise is that we have to minimize infighting and with that, one of their first suggestions is that you should not ostracize and sweat the “little things”, e.g. Christianity, scientism, Jews and Hitler, but rather should embrace those who want, e.g., to redeem and resurrect Hitler and his ideology - though there has been no greater instigator of White ingroup fighting than Hitler.

They are just that ridiculous. Whether they are allowed to join up with all of their tents or not, Jews have to love the Alternative Right, because it is theoretically gauche.

It is good for Jews if Whites identify as Christian, so that they remain under Noahide law. It is good for Jews if Whites remain scientistic and objectivist, because they will put a chill on social conscience, and, of course, it is good for Jews if they continue to not see through Jewish crypsis, and try to treat Jews as White (but perhaps special Whites).. 

Failing that, it’s better for Jews that Whites identify as “Nazis” than be a White Left, because there is limited utility and ultimately there is in-group destruction with that identity.

Cartesian - a wish to separate facts, theory or “mind” from interaction. Its pursuit can go in a direction outside of nature, into pure theory, or in an empirical direction of pure facts. This can be a natural wish among those who feel guilty or unfairly burdened by social customs or impositions, and by those disingenuous, looking to avoid accountability (“these are just the facts, there is, was, no recourse”).

In fact, “anti-racism” is Cartesian, it is not innocent, it is prejudiced, it is hurting and it is killing people.

Anti-racism is a machination conceived and promulgated by Jewish interests to take advantage of the Enlightenment’s objectivist prejudice against prejudice (prejudice against even necessary prejudice).

Cartesianism is one of modernity’s leading components. Its destructiveness, including through the prejudice against prejudice, called for philosophers to conceive of the hermeneutic, post modern turn (for fuller definition, i.e., a proper understanding of the concept, Modernity, Traditional Ethnocentric and primitive, Monocultural societies, see White Post Modernity).

Praxis, Theoria and Poesis are Aristotlean epistemological categories:

Praxis - is the social world as Aristotle conceived it, which constrains theoretical application to some extent by our human nature - people being biological creatures, evolved for optimal, not maximal need satisfaction, mammalian creatures evolved to care about relationships, especially close personal relationships; and because we are interactive and thus agentive (we can learn, change course and respond in ways other than predicted, to some extent) - given these facts, Aristotle juxtaposed Praxis to “Theoria”, which is pure theoretical knowledge - which can be applied fruitfully to physics, but would be an epistemological blunder to apply strictly to Praxis - suggesting that Phronesis (practical judgment) is thus necessary in consideration of social matters - Praxis. He also proffered the category of Poesis - the arts and crafts.

Now, since Descartes took Theoria to its extreme in trajectory of social detachment and consensus had it that that was destructive to maintain as anything but a provisional perspective, philosophers since Vico have been arguing more or less that even in theoretical matters we need to acknowledge engagement in subjective and relative social group interactive interests - to center our world view in praxis. The post modern turn pursues a trajectory to take even theoria to be subsumed by praxis. This is central to what Heidegger is trying to do - to rescue folk from the Cartesian estrangement, famously observing with that that thinking is more like (poesis) the organic forms of poetry than the blindered controls of science - “science does not think”, he said.

Hermeneutics - is a project conceived to conduct inquiry properly, not destructively as did the Cartesian aspiration for its imperviousness and rational blindness to interaction. It is meant, rather to coordinate and integrate these epistemological realms.

It is a process of inquiry in which the inquirer considers themself engaged to some extent with the object of inquiry. It cannot be detached from facts and divorced from reality indefinitely since that would be violation of its anti-Cartesian mandate; but it does afford a close or broad look at the facts, depending upon need or predilection - GW, prefers a close look; nevertheless, the facts are under determining for humans. We need narrative, language and concepts to flesh out perspective and accountability on our personal and social lives in their authentic, systemic, temporal and historical breadth. Hermeneutics acknowledges that as necessary orientation and contextualizaton of facts, it acknowledges our social participation in those narratives and even in the reconstruction of some aspects of facts on the basis of those narratives. It is not at all anti-science - on the contrary, but it maintains rather that science is not all that is necessary nor all-determining in how facts count.

These narratives are important, of course, for the coordination of our group systemic maintenance, since we do have antagonists and we do have the option to mix with others where not straightforwardly eliminating ourselves.

Midtdasein - non-Cartesian attention to engaged process of thought in relative social interest: i.e., “there-being” amidst one’s folk (praxis).

Self 1 - Corporeal

Self 2 - Auto(biographical) / hermeneutic

The hermeneutic aspect of self is important for coherence, accountability, agency and warrant.

Coherence, Accountability, Agency and Warrant - I talk about these features of narrative capacity in this article: Kant’s Moral System As Coherence, Accountability, Agency, and Warrant.

That article should not be read in and of itself - it is meant to segue into an article which amends and corrects Kant’s oversights - this article, to be specific: White Left Imperative to Defense, Systemic Health of European peoples (also called Leftism as a Code Word):

These things are so central to my terminological framework and I’ve talked about them so many times that I took them for granted and had forgotten to mention them here.

Social Constructionism (proper): is a way of looking at things from a social perspective - Praxis - a human centric, human interactive perspective - it holds that where we cannot literally construct facts (in some cases, we can), then we have capacity to determine how facts count - it recognizes that there is a degree of agency afforded in recognizing the social aspects of life - in conjoint construction; and it is a remedy to Cartesian and other kindred destruction, such as theological.

This agentive aspect of social constructionism is crucial to tap, as it is both true and useful - the better the morale for our side, the better to organize action against antagonists, despite liberal uncaring and on behalf of ourselves if our people believe that they have agency. Otherwise, our enemies can and will use deterministic arguments and language against us - e.g., “immigration flows are inevitable.”

One can test and tell where it is being abused and misrepresented as a notion, if you have to put the word “mere” before social construct; or if it is said that it is “just” a social construct. If you have to put the word mere or just before what is being proposed as a social construct, that means it is not accountable to the social world’s consensus and understanding with regard to what is real and factual, that “mere” or “just” indicates a Cartesian, supra-natural and supra-social proposition.

By contrast, in its proper form, social constructionism (proper) is another post modern idea, along with hermeneutics, that does not deny facts or say that you can make of yourself just whatever you like (as solipsism might claim) - again, as that would be a violation of its anti-Cartesian mandate. It does allow for the recognition of group perspectives, interests, reality and defense along with the reality of other, differing groups, with different, perhaps incommensurate, antagonistic or cooperative ways; but acknowledges that how facts count and to some extent how they evolve is negotiated (it is possible to make an argument that the White race should be bred-out of existence, as Andrew Anglin argued just a few years ago, and it is factually possible to argue that we are not “race distinct” enough, because we can be bred-out of existence with other races, but we believe those are poor arguments).

In defense of ourselves we acknowledge that we live in communication, that the facts of our lives are fleshed-out in authentic or imaginative form with language and narrative - by social communicative means which lend to accountability, thus lending to the obligation to accountability to social capital, particularly in regard to matters that are closer to hard facts and not highly negotiable in terms of how they count, particularly regarding survival and the reconstruction of our qualitative forms.

The Communication Perspective - takes interaction as the unit of analysis as opposed to the group unit of analysis which sociology takes, or the individual unit of analysis, which psychology takes. It is held to ask more incisive questions and get better answers, but it needs material to operate on - thus, it claims the same turf, i.e., the same unit of observation as other disciplines. Since we are in the position of having to defend our race against “anti-racism”, it is most useful for us to claim much of the same unit of observation as sociology - which takes social group as its unit of observation - because a “race” is a group concept. It will also claim the same turf as philosophy, economics, biology, physics, even psychology and more, where necessary.

White - People of overwhelming European descent. It has (understandably) been the preferred term for European peoples living outside of Europe. It does not include Jews. And Whites have the capacity to make that determination and exclude people from their nation who they recognize as detrimental to their EGI.

White/European peoples are a taxonomy and sub taxonomies, i.e., scientific and social classifications that should be politicized and “unionized” to some extent in order to defend them against liberal uncaring and outgroup antagonism. Through our kind of unionization and accountability (e.g., in DNA Nation), we seek to maintain both the genus and the distinct kinds of Whites/Europeans - the genus of our social classification, viz. its slightly more hypothetical/political form, I call “The White Class.”

This is a White ethnonational Left which would seek alliances with Asian left nationalists against Jewish and Islamic interests, de-racinated objectivist interests; and to contain black bio-power and population explosion.

The Class - It is a union of people with members and non-members: as White Nationalists, we are interested in how it corresponds quite exactly with both the idea of the nation as your “skin” (your genetic group, genus and species) and native nationalism, along with its borders and boundaries. Elites are members of the class up to the point that they betray its interests; i.e., this is different from conventional class theory in that it does not treat wealth and unequal ability as necessary cause for exclusion, whereas rather significant burden-to and betrayal of general class interests would be sufficient cause for ostracism - whether of the elite or the rank and file.

To avoid “wall papering” over significant differences between necessary skills and roles among the class interest, their differing interests, concerns and vulnerabilities to exploitation, we prefer an idea of syndicalism - i.e., a union of various unions - which, within the class of classes (the nation) do not necessarily keep one permanently bound to a particular union - or even a member of a specific union, necessarily, other than the union of the nation.

With social units of analysis, crucial matters such as demography are addressed - human species are assessed and can be recognized as being under threat of extinction.

Our haplogroup varieties, ways of life and their relation to the land are another reason why the interactive unit of analysis that the communication perspective takes is significant - it allows for the management not only of our human ecologies, but a necessary attention to pervasive ecology...

Another term, this one that I have coined - Pervasive Ecology.

“Marginals”

The guys at TRS, the “alt right’s” “The Daily Shoah”, said that term really “triggered” them.. “because it means that these people are ‘losers’ and ‘unwanted”...

I got news for them, they are marginals, as is everybody from time to time within human systems, including our greatest geniuses - that makes them marginal by definition.

Marginal perspectives are crucial to know where the social systemic shoe is pinching and where it is in need of homeostatic correction (as opposed to runaway) for the human ecology.

But as I have said before, a key trick - and it is a typical reversal of terminological logic on the part of Jewish academia - was in regard to the concept of “marginals”: i.e., to put across the idea that “marginals” were those from outside the group that needed to be included within the group as opposed to marginals being those who are already within the group but for the time being at least, further out toward the boundaries - the idea of requesting accounts from them being that these marginals have perspective on the system and worthwhile feedback as to its homeostasis - systemic maintenance.

Trying to deny the reality of social group classifications has been tried - by John Locke, and it has been an illustration of how Cartesianism can unfold to catastrophe.

American propositionalism is founded on its basis and it has spawned a popular culture with no regard for the social realm, only “the self actualization” of the ‘winners” ..no regard for the implications and impact on human ecological systems.

That is why my model of humanity looks after a “prescriptive”, rather, advisory topoi: Retooling of Maslow’s pop psychology hierarchy of needs to “self actualization”, advising that it be taken into a basis in socialization (optimally circulating in praxis as central for European social groups), which would ensconce being (midtdasein), routine, craft and sacred practice, self actualization (farther reaches of special personal quest). 

Moral orders: the rule structures that organize what is legitimate, obligatory or prohibited among a people, giving them an accountable social order. There has never been a human circumstance absence some semblance of these rule structures.

Sex as dominance and submission in tension with human dignity, a mechanism which makes sex sexy.

Sex as celebration - an option taking for granted the pattern and its boundaries, that you are sharing-in worthwhile common resource. A liberal attitude with regard to sex, particularly among one’s group, as people are sharing in common resource, can be reasonable if the boundaries and the pattern are secure - besides literal and rules based boundaries and borders, an additional necessary means of the pattern’s security is an institutionalized provision for an option for sex as sacrament.

Sex as sacrament - an option which does not take the pattern and its boundaries for granted and rather thus, does not treat sex as a mere function and causative fact of nature beyond our human discretion, but seeks means and social enclaves, ideally, for careful observation of the value in patterns beyond moment and episode. It is an option for those who want to take a very careful attitude with regard to birthing and partnering, including ensconcing a commitment to monogamy as a viable option. It is moreover an important option to uphold in order to maintain systemic homeostasis .. staving-off cynicism and disorder, maintaining incentive structure and thus reason for loyalty and to fight for the pattern.

Sacrament as episodic connection and reverence for that which is essential and vital to the pattern.

Augustinian Devils vs Manichean Devils:

Manichean Devils are trickster devils -  they reflect human level agency to change the rules of a game in order to fool you if they think you might win the game. It may be hypothesized that tribal peoples from the South and Middle East are more attuned to this sort of Devil as they are more evolved in competition with each other for resources rather than competition against the elements of nature; even where food was not all that abundant at least they were not up against the winter.

Augustinian Devils are natural obstacles and problems. If you can solve them, they don’t change the rules because they lack human level agency. It is my hypothesis that Europeans are evolved more to focus on this kind of devil - preparation for the harsh winter and scarcity were challenge enough, thus Europeans, especially Northern Europeans, prefer that Augustinian Devils do the selecting and killing as surviving these conditions was valuable ability enough..

The ultimate devils facing humanity are Augustinian devils thus it is incumbent upon European evolution to not lose this virtue; and not be defeated by the Manichean devils of tribalists.

For ready example, if we are to avoid asteroids, super volcanoes, catastrophic climate change, etc., and get to outer space of necessity.

Coming back to the marginal and who should be ostracized or not then, this issue should be taken into account for our selective strategy. If someone is strong enough to survive, that is to say, they have demonstrated that they have the genotypic strength (genetic level ) of our kind to survive without undue help, then barring the fact that they are not an undue burden on society, they should be given the benefit of the doubt - innocent until proven guilty.

Marginals should be allowed the opportunity to be deployed in our interest, to contribute to the maintenance of borders and boundaries - if they will do that or not, should be a key criteria as to whether or not we allow Augustinian devils to be a deciding factor in their survival from our end.

In fact, as the White demographic becomes older, I have argued that the marginal group that is our elderly can move from a liability to become a great asset - a geriatric army in this regard - they have wisdom, experience, perspective to deploy on our behalf and as they have proven their genotypic strength for their longevity, they also have less to lose; having already lived most of their life and being beyond child bearing age, they should be called upon to take greater risks on behalf of our legacy.

Phenotypic strength can be an indicator of genetic strength, as can beauty, but as we know, these matters can also be superficial in terms of indicators of abilities and functions valuable to our people or not. The puerile in particular may be lured into their visual appeal and not see through to assessment of longer term and deeper genetic values. Nevertheless, phenotypic health and beauty can be signs of health and functionality and thus, should not be dismissed as purely superficial and of no importance whatsoever. It is just that there has to be some amount of mature critique against its true long term value to mitigate its over emphasis by the episodic myopia of the puerile and those who would pander to it (give them candy).

Genotypic and phenotypic strength is thus an important distinction to make common among puerile Europeans, in particular, as our evolution and its merits would not be displayed as much through episodic and tribal competition but in endurance and regulation of natural patterns and obstacles.

  “There is no such thing as society”

In that act of being mistaken, anyway - let’s leave a way out for people understandably reacting to the Jewish misrepresentation of the terms, “left” and “post modernity”.

Internal Relation and Emergence

You don’t have to take a position which places your people (praxis) as the central gauge. You can go on like a right wing fool for Jews and place a “quest for truth, facts and universal foundations” (and “inequality” even?) above all - even wreck your own people in that “noble quest;” but you’d be an unnecessary fool, a dupe for Jews and Jewish thinking in so doing. You don’t have to put our people at the center - but you can, as factual verification and reality checking are available in an instant if you are not dealing with reality; whereas the principles upholding our people took many centuries to create and are much more precious and difficult to reconstruct, if ever they can be. It isn’t necessary to place facts at the center - people are born of facts and if afforded correct principles, proper agency and accountability, our people will come to continually adjust their interests with the facts. Hence, the right’s whole arbitrary-making quest for facts and episodic verification at the expense of principled interest in our people is the height of folly.

Chasing mere facts and perfect verification away from “faith” in our people will tend to take them into runaway, beyond our people’s systemic interests - as opposed to taking the White post modern turn into its facilitation of the preservation and reconstruction of our people - where the facts are ensconced in the sufficiently deep emergent reality of our people’s systemic history to afford re-framing at their authentic place in relation to our human ecological system.

Right and Altright reactionary fan club - scavenging the wreckage of continued reaction.

The right, “alternative right”, those in their orbit, lay in wait as vultures for things like GW’s latest surprise: as I stepped aside from a discussion of British politics, he applied the theoretical wrecking ball again to “THE left” and “post modernity” at their behest (he isn’t so lame as to have to do it for himself); ill-prepared for the surprise in that context, I put up a threadbare defense against what I’ve come to see as a part of GW’s autobiography - “champion of the right, universal foundational unifier against the left’s class divisiveness.”

GW - working class hero who sees their classification as a critical problem of imposed nationalist division.

If you are coming here, like myself, chances are that you appreciate GW’s ability - you delight as he wields a scalpel on behalf of White/ethno-national sovereignty, more often a wrecking ball to the pretenses of academia and scholarship that are working against it.

We value this, want him to continue, want him to be satisfied with his part and his contributions. 

What follows here is going to show little appreciation for that, which is abundant and shows forth in spontaneity for the surfeit of his intelligence - often yielding indispensable flourishes and insights that I myself cherish. This piece is rather an ungrateful piece in that regard, given that he has stood by me as I set about chartering a new platform for Majorityrights; and I sent scurrying many who had deep appreciation and respect for him as well; but it is neither for myself nor “his own good” that I proceed not feeling particularly guilty about that - nor is the matter of face saving a pressing matter for either of us - the sake is proper theoretical grounds, which is always my central motivation. Still this will appear rather like a hit piece - as it takes aim, focuses on the clumsier props of GW’s worldview, philosophical underpinnings and aspirations - not on better sides and ideas, which will emerge cybernetically in balance of fact.

If you are coming here, you probably appreciate and identify with GW’s rogue path: as a completely disaffected outsider to the academic fray, he early on rejected the nonsense coming out of there, particularly from fields dealing with social issues. And you delight along with him as he continues to apply the wrecking ball to their cherished liberal ruses under cover of “The left”, their wish to open important borders and boundaries, to bring down individual merit, to drag others down into primitive individual and group failure - instinctively, you sense him taking down liberal bullies who are smug enough to insulate themselves from the consequences of the unsupportable concepts of social “justice” that they wield against those native White populations least responsible for others problems, most likely to suffer from liberalism and least likely to gain from the applications known as “The Left” - applications which can recognize just about any collective unionization of interests except one kind - White. Certainly a (((coincidence))).

Most people who’ve come here, myself included, have also experienced mystification over GW’s not being satisfied with that. You have been at least temporarily mystified as he evades into the arbitrary recesses ever available by the empirical philosophy that underpins modernity; and as he continually applies its wrecking ball, secure in the faith that it will leave in its wake only that which is fine and good; a wrecking ball summarily dismissing scholarship, conceptual tools and principles that others set forth to guide social action.

I have been stunned as he sends the wrecking ball my way as well, summarily dismissing even carefully culled and profoundly warranted philosophical ideas, eminently useful conceptual tools and important rhetorical positions that I have geared to his same White ethno-nationalist interests; while his modernist philosophy willy-nilly casts me into the role of the “lefty academic” foil in key moments.

I am no longer mystified by this.

A reactionary position is mostly retreating (evading) and attacking - whatever looks like an enemy or Trojan horse - but for its instability, it is susceptible to chase after the red cape.

An early contentious streak in the autobiography over-reinforced by circumstance, ability and admirers.

GW is wonderful, we love GW, but like the rest of us, he is not perfect. There is a residual strain of contentiousness in his autobiography that stems from his early disaffection and precocious disregard of liberal prescriptions coming from academia. It’s a part of his autobiography that he takes a great deal of pride-in. It is also socially confirmed enough so that he continues to chase its red cape known as “THE left;” and keeps applying the modernist wrecking ball to any concepts the tiniest bit speculative in circumscribing social interests; or adopting any terms also used by liberal “left” academics - even if used in different ways, he will understand it in THE left way that he is familiar with - and summarily dismiss it as such or apply the wrecking ball.

Unlike most people disaffected of liberal academia, he is not of the working class sort content to shake his fist at academic pomposity, to find solace in a beer and the pragmatism of his working class buddies, allowing the union misrepresentatives to negotiate his interest with their fellow liberals of academic background; nor is he content to join in with the White collar and middle class who typically denounce the worst of academic socialists as unrealistic, while they go along with the liberal anti racism of the academe, signaling their one-upness to the lower classes by denouncing as backward superstition whatever defensively racist discrimination they might even require.

He does share a few things in common with the typical middle class perspective however. Naturally, he has a bias toward viewing his success in positivist terms, as having come about from his gray matter and personal initiative, not because he derived any benefit from artificially imposed social bounds against competition and to circumscribe cooperation. 

Though he can relate to the working class “xenophobia”, he maintains that their maintenance of who they are among a collective “we” (i.e., particular native European nationals) and their choice of whom to intermarry with (same particular native European national) is something that should and can emerge naturally from their genetics - an identity that will emerge naturally, provided they do not have liberal, Fabian and Marxist ideas imposed upon them; the last thing GW wants is to impose another artifice upon them, one which he believes could divide them against their upwardly mobile English brethren, and in turn, divide the middle class even more against them. I.e., the “left” and “right” is normally taken as an economic divider and unifier of class, not a racial nationalist one as I am proposing. The middle class, as much as any, might be reluctant to ‘get it’ and not identify with a “White left,” in which case we would be back to the divisive issue, not the uniting issue that both GW and I seek - we may not agree on terminology but we do agree on native nationalism.

Thatcherite obectivism a means for personal advancement and foundational unification of nationalism.

In fact, GW is a native nationalist, deeply offended by the class system which has long hampered English unity. Thus, he is not content to disavow the worst of liberal and Marxist academics, writing-them-off as the idiots that they are, while leaving the working class to the fate that liberalism will bring to them, and, if left unabated, to all of us eventually. Like a few, more ambitious among us, he set about to get things right, to open a platform for White nationalists, even before it was quite the immanent practical necessity that it is now.

He aspires to identify the ontological connection between all English classes which, if unfettered by artificial constructs, would have them acting as native nationalists in loyal unanimity to their interests.

In that regard, Margaret Thatcher represented to him a liberating moment from the incredibly burdensome artifices of liberal, Fabian and Marxist Left union delimitations and by contrast an opportunity to unite as nationalists on natural positivist grounds.

Normal first reaction that doesn’t take Post Modern turn as it fails to see liberalism flying under left colors.

Indeed, most anybody of this ambition, myself included, who cares about our race and its ethnonational species, starts out in reaction to the absurd, contradictory and destructive liberal rhetoric coming out of academia and reaches to grab hold white knuckle to foundational truths, particularly scientific fact, which cannot be bamboozled by the rhetoric of liberal sophistry (which we later come to recognize as more often than not, Jewish in original motive). And we do grab hold white knuckle - that is to say, scientistically, in rigid over and misapplication of hardish science to the social realm, as we cannot trust the social realm, its rhetorical caprice if not deception - its ongoing disordering effects that apparently threaten to rupture social order anew with every agentive individual. Coming from a non-Jewish, Christian cultural perspective, where our bias starts, if not Jesus, we first liken ourselves to Plato and then modern scientists seeking to gird and found our place and our people’s place, whereas “they” are Pharisees and sophists, wielding the sheer rhetoric that we are going to debunk with our pure, native ability and motives. In a word, we are going to do science against their dishonest bias against us - they are indeed being deceptive and biased on behalf of unfair people; we see it as our objective to establish universal foundational truth that will be unassailable to this sophistry.

That is the normal first reaction of a White person who cares about themself and our people - it was mine and it was GW’s - a nascent White nationalist in response not only to the anti-White discourse coming out of the university, but in response to the very frame of the discourse - that is to say, taking on the frame [Jewish and liberal social stuff and lies versus White science and truth] - against accusations of privilege, racism and exploitation, we sought pure innocence in truth beyond social tumult and disingenuous rhetorical re framing. We (understandably) acted with absolute revulsion to anything like social concern and accountability - why should we be accountable to ever more alien imposition? - itself neither offering nor asking for an account sufficient to maintain our EGI - and where our people are eerily unconcerned or antagonistic to our people as well, we are only more compelled to take on the task ourselves - to pursue pure warrant. Our first reaction to the liberal chimera called “THE left” is: “I” noble servant of postulates - theorems - axioms - upon universal foundational truth.”

Beyond our people’s relative social interests even, we must save ourselves from the lies of “The left” (never minding that their first lie is that they represent our left) and found our moral/ontological basis where Jews, other tribalists and our selfish liberals, who only care about themselves, can never again manipulate it. We hold white knuckle, rigidly, in reaction to Jewish sophistry.

History will show that our people who pursued and secured sovereignty, health and well being found a philosophy advanced of that - competent and able to secure their social interests. They’d taken the White Post Modern turn from this reactionary position.

For reasons unfolding here, including reasons of his personal autobiography, GW has yet to appreciate and take the post modern turn.

Personal ability and interpersonal circumstances have facilitated his carrying-on in a typical first philosophical position of an amateur outsider in regard to academia - the epistemological blunder of “they are just sophists who provide nothing but nonsense while ‘I’ and my pure thoughts in relation to ‘theory’ am going to set the world aright” - an epistemological error in the relation of knower to known that is born in reaction and puerile hubris, carried on by being strong, smart enough to persist long after most people would shrink back from the signs of its limitations; going further uncorrected as it has been endorsed by “no enemies to the right” (a dubious principle, if there ever was one); it has grown into a surprisingly big and audacious ego wielded as a wrecking ball against “post modern philosophy.” We are supposed to rest assured on his faith that in the aftermath of wreckage, that the emergent qualities of his mind are all that is required besides the occasional foil to play off of in order to clarify and carry the modernist program forward to unshakeable, universal, foundational truth - unassailable to any social reconstruction. Never mind that we are already willing to agree upon most of the fundamental rules that he would seek - our agency is not necessary if it is going to suggest anything like planned social construction of systemic defense. No, that’s all impure stuff to be cast aside; and by contrast of true Platonic form, if you are freed from that ignorance and come to know the good he will secure, you will do that good.

He is not satisfied to simply negotiate, reason-things-out and reach an understanding among his people, he is not even particularly concerned that it won’t be a damn bit of good if people can’t understand his philosophical yield - he wants to secure that good on ontological foundations beyond praxis - beyond the capacity for manipulation. Most sophomores abandon this, their freshmen objective, as not only obsolete philosophy, but in fact, come to recognize it as destructive philosophy - a destruction which GW continues, with tremendous faith, without need of Aristotelian compass, that tremendous confidence to persevere where Wittgenstein failed.

The boomer generation - libertarianism and egocentrism.

The likes of Bowery and GW will be slower, if ever, to make the turn in direction, not because they are stupid, of course, quite to the contrary, but because they have the mental horsepower necessary to keep patching and operating the antiquated and obsolete technology that is modernity; and stem predilection both motivates them and enables them to do that; they are more self sufficient, less immediately reliant on the social (why carry others weight?); more confirmed by females by being reliable as such (concentrating on how to do things, not stepping on the toes of females by asking questions of social control - as long as you are at one end of the competition you are OK - liberal or the right wing end); confirmed by non academic workers in their more pragmatic concerns; and confirmed by right wingers in their penchant for anti-social theory beyond social manipulation - exactly, they are also slow to take the turn, of course, because they have an understandable lack of trust in liberal-social narratives; this unwillingness to suspend disbelief may be increased inasmuch as they have benefited as baby boomers, less harried for their identity in the parts of their life-span experienced prior to the culture of critique and in their personal initiatives after its reprieve - in Bowery’s case, with aspects of the objectivism behind Ron Paul’s libertarian “revolution”; and in GW’s case, during the Thatcher years (Thatcher’s initial backers having discovered her reading Wittgenstein’s cousin, Hayek, who obliviously carried forward upon the Tractatus) - years of brief, partial liberation from liberal-left union fetters - “there is no such thing as society” - in either case, a false friend facilitated as false opposition - viz., an expression of steered objectivism derived of Austrian schools beginning with Wittgenstein.

The title is a projection of objectivism. Subtitle: look who else is reading it.

What is confirmed to me - in a roundabout way, when GW dons his powdered wig, grabs a quill pen, does his best John Locke or whatever voice serves, and says oh, “that’s just Aristotle and his rhetoric,” “all of the good ideas are coming from the right”, “based in nature, none of this praxis stuff”, says that he “never loses an argument against academics”, etc., then continually re-applies radical skepticism of the empiricists and their forerunners - is that he is showing an ego driven and confirmed desire to carry-on the “pure” modernist project; viz., in his ontology project and his destruction of everything in its path, even treating Aristotle and William James as utter morons, GW is revealing a vain desire to do something all alone, like a combination of Wittgenstein’s Tractatus Logico Philosphicus and Heidegger’s Being & Time: “The world is everything that is the case” meets “the worldhood of the world” - without the post modern implications of the latter. All that is required is the emergent qualities of his mind to set the world’s ontology aright - it will be “unassailable” by liberal, social, “left” rhetoric.

His reaction, confirmation and penchant for empirical verification against Jewish rhetoric has apparently caused him to disregard the post modern turn that was occuring also in Heidegger’s philosphy, albeit in Heidegger’s case, in that somewhat rigid, German way (which I find endearing).

GW appreciates Heidegger, so why does he not move forward from 1927 and why does he retreat to 1921 and the Tractatus? That he consders “OF being” the better starting point than Heidegger’s “There Being” provides a clue to ego centrism and Cartesian anxiiety - he not only proposes the reconstruction of the Cartesian starting point, “Of being”, but proposes it as an exclusive position, not even taking hermeneutc turns with Heidegger’s non-Cartesan starting point, “There being.”

“Unassailably” proclaiming that “The world is everything that is the case”

Whereas Wittgenstein himself was forced to yield-to, if not recognize the necessity of, the post modern turn - so much so that he was embarrassed by his effort at a complete ontology in The Tractatus Logico Philosophicus - having proclaimed its logic “unassailable” at once upon completion, he later repudiated it, even took to referring to its author as if a different person.

The Motivation for Post Modernity

Part of the craze for “post modernity” is that people (correctly) sense that modernity is destroying their differences, their traditions, their ways of life, their people and their very lives. And yet they frequently found traditional societies destructive as well. Therefore they were happy to have not only backing of cross cultural studies, vouching that different ways of life are valid, but also some confirmation from the very foundational math and science which modernity pursued to an apex that finally turned back on itself.

Kurt Gödel had demonstrated that a theory of any complexity could not be both complete and unambiguous.

Neils Bohr had priorly announced that there is no instrument fine enough to resolve the wave/particle distinction.

Heisenberg’s uncertainty principle elaborating from that was subtler still - that the observer is engaged in interaction and has reflexive effects upon that which he observes.

Confirmation of Aritstotle’s Praxis and suggestion that it should be the radical basis of assessment, not pure objective facts.

These findings confirmed Aristotle’s premises as set forth in Nichomachean Ethics - on the nature of Praxis - people are in reflexive relation, mostly requiring a degree of practical judgement as they are less predictable than the theoretical causality which the hard sciences pursue. It also would suggest placing praxis more in the center than theory - i.e., a socially based perspective where people are the arbiter, as opposed to “I think therefore I am” in relation to mere, indisputable facts and non-interactive third person behavioral units; a pursuit even outstripping the subject ultimately in favor of fixed theoretical facts - the Cartesian relation (pursued non-relation, as it were) of knower to known.

Vico was first to take the hermeneutic turn against Descartes, to bring ideas into historical context, the relation of knower to known into the social world of praxis

A relation knower to known other than the Cartesian model is required by modernity’s recognized failures and impervious destruction.

Those who care about people, who see the destruction of Descarte’s “relation” of knower to known, understand the wisdom of Aristotle, and realize that Vico -  Descartes’ first major critic - was in fact, proposing the taking of theoria into praxis: i.e., correctly placing people and praxis at the center of his world view. He was setting forth the historical, hermeneutic world view, the post modern world view. And, in turn, those who understand Heidegger will see that he was following in that same direction, which may be called “existential” and which is centered in praxis - the social world.

The White Post Modern turn is, of course, the best and most moral perspective for advocating people - Whites especially - Jews don’t want that and so they fool the uneducated masses and most of the educated masses as well by reinterpreting the terms by which people - viz., White people, might understand this - and they get them to react against didactic misrepresentation. That is, they are getting them to react in aversion to what is good and healthy in racial advocacy by having made it didactic in misrepresentation - e.g., the highly sensible Post Modern is presented as “dada” (whereas I have secured its sensible form in White Post Modernity).

Bowery and GW were impelled on, for the didacticism of the (((liberal-left - contradiction of terms))) and for the (((misrepresentation))) that was this false opposition and its false promise to liberate us from The left, among other reasons. Objectivism, the neoliberalism and libertarianism of the Austrian school of economics, Thatcherism, is merely a false opposition that (((they))) set up against “(((The Left))).” It is a product of late modernity, derived of the Vienna School of Logical Positivism, which in turn was derived of Wittgenstein’s Tractatus Logico Philosophicus.

Again, that was Wittgenstein’s attempt to set-out a comprehensive and “unassailable” ontology - “The world is everything that is the case.” He would later say that the Tractatus was “not a very good book”, lest he be mistaken for one not recognizing that those who had taken the post modern turn had left this philosophical quest behind. Nevertheless, the Austrian school of logical positivism founded upon the Tractatus lived on through his cousin Hayek (who Thatcher was discovered dutifully reading); it was then taken up by von Mises et. al, who would conveniently and explicitly adopt this no-account modernist program against any one of subsequent generations who was the least bit reflective, who had any social complaints about how they and their people had been left without social capital after this generation of egocentric locusts devoured all social capital in their path. Waiting generations of right wing reactionaries, ensconced in their well protected Internet bubbles, were ready to look up to these libertarians for their lack of social concern, conveniently blaming the socially conscientious of prior generations for the problems - “The Left”, where not “hippies”, were the ones asleep at the wheel and leading us over a cliff, “but not the objectivists” and not (((The YKW))).

One-up intransigence of boomers meets generation Internet bubble for a right-wing cocktail, silencing socially conscientious voices between.

Because of GW’s unwillingness to trust anybody but himself, he takes recourse in the one aspect of the post modern turn where his first person account of all the world’s foundations might be claimed - emergentism. He has a problem, however, when I say that the world still interacts.  He has to take recourse to the absurdly arbitrary claim that “life doesn’t interact.”

Emergentism, in fact, is one of the key contributing factors to the post modern turn - it challenges the reductionism and fixedness of the modernist ontology project in an important sense - the emergent whole being greater than the sum of its parts means that significant referents are changeable in complex systems, thus qualifying Bowery’s criticism - “there is either a referent or there is not” - as this charge must yield to the fact that facts can be re-framed as they emerge physically, as they are designated by individuals and as they emerge in social consensus. And yes, what emerges still interacts in a myriad of ways.

Gen Xer’s were a bit late for the ride

“There is no such thing as society”

Their lack of faith in the social narratives as they are applied by YKW is understandable, the faith they show in the guiding principle of modernity to leave only what is fine and true in the wake of their wrecking ball is not. There comes a time to suspend disbelief. To draw a hypothetical boundary around our people is as good a time and place as any. “Wise men see lines and they draw them” - William Blake. And its not so hypothetical.

Perhaps because their boomer generation was early in line and they were intelligent enough to position themselves by means of objectivism for a deck chair on the higher end of a sinking Titanic, they can take some solace in writing-off those who might be going under first, if it does go down, as hazards of nature, having not acted “naturally” in EGI - Bowery in particular, being motivated by an affinity for the individuality of northern Europeans, abandoned ship (MR, anyway) when Dr. Lister and I began raising criticisms of “individualism über alles” and raising social concerns against that.

In fact, for this reason, Bowery issued an ultimatum (“either him or Lister”) which defaulted to Graham’s more social side, upon which Bowery expressed his “revulsion” for Majorityrights.

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Way down in the profound gears of ship’s engine room, we were given the shaft: YKW misdirection of “left” as our enemy as opposed to potential utility of a White Left - unionization of Whites against liberalism come by any means, Jews or otherwise.

Andrew Joyce demonstrates that as opposed to “the left”, the more descriptive and useful term for what our enemies are prescribing for us - viz. liberalism - can be used with perfect coherence. He even alludes to the profound significance of it by article’s end -  likening the matter of our course as directed by Jewish interests and their liberal minions to an issue way down in the engine-room of the ship - the implicit matter of “liberalism” as the prescription of the enemy as opposed to “leftism” as our key affliction - like a gear being controlled by YKW way down there, on a level normally taken for granted, about which we normally suspend disbelief, but where a very fundamental change in bias needs to occur for the sake of our racial solidarity and defense.

We had previously observed Tobias Langdon (at TOO) making this transformation and now Joyce is doing it too - a very good move.

TOO, “On Recent Violence in Yorkshire and Orlando, and the Liberal “Suspension of Disbelief,” 21 June 2016:

“The blindness of the masses, their readiness to surrender to that resounding but empty eloquence that fills the public squares, make them an easy prey. … We will have no difficulty in finding as much eloquence among our people for the expression of false sentiments as Christians find in their sincerity and enthusiasm.”

‘The Rabbi’s Speech’ Hermann Goedsche, Biarritz (1868)

I’ve never really enjoyed horror movies. I don’t mind the gore, the violence, or even the bad acting. What I can’t forgive is the mind-numbing predictability that typifies the genre. While many of its fans might preach about the fun to be had with the ‘suspension of disbelief,’ I’ve often been the annoying fellow in the movie theatre asking “Why don’t they just turn on the light/leave the house/stay out of the basement?” Being frightened or shocked requires a lowered level of anticipation, and a lowered level of anticipation requires the viewer to ignore surrounding patterns, cues and clues and, above all, to ‘suspend disbelief.’ To partake in the horror experience, we need to set aside not only our tendency to perceive an unfolding formula, but also the fact that we may have seen such a formula many times previously. And although we are aware that what we are observing is a complete fiction, we must undertake efforts on a subconscious or conscious level to convince ourselves that it is, or could be, true.

As a very rational thinker with an eye for patterns, I find it difficult to partake in the horror experience. It takes a lot to shock me and, for much the same reason, I was left largely untroubled by the recent events in Orlando and Yorkshire. I certainly didn’t feel any sense of surprise at either instance of violence. Like every horror franchise that runs for too long, acts of Muslim terror on our soil started losing their shock value around a decade ago (or at least they should have). And England has been undergoing such a level of dispossession, murder and child rape that a violent response, even from the fringes of White society, was an unfortunate inevitability. Since our movement is greatly concerned with monitoring the facts and the reality of our unfolding racial horror, we anticipated these ‘scares’ with no less certainty than we anticipated the rising of the sun. We knew the likely places from which these events would emanate, and we know that more will follow.

[...]

Barack Obama described shocked communities “grasping for answers with broken hearts.” Meanwhile, in an astonishing piece of emotional projection by liberals, NBC reported that Afghan-Americans (an absurd label) are “grappling with shock, shame and the taboo topics of homophobia and religious intolerance in their community.”

[...]

...shocked liberals of the NBC variety are comforting themselves with the delusion that Muslims are just as shocked and horrified as they are.

Self-deceiving liberals have achieved one of their greatest tricks of journalistic magic by ensuring the disappearance of religion and ethnicity from their commentary on Islamic violence.

[....]

Liberal sociologist, and self-styled expert on ‘guns and gender,’ Jennifer Carlson has written in the Washington Post that

  Actor, activist and author George Takei has described the fight for gun control as “the next chapter of LGBT history.”

[...]

By offering their support for mass immigration, and thus the introduction of such a social problem into our nations, liberals have played a key role in making our societies more violent, less trusting, and economically weaker — all while under the delusion that they were making “the world” a better place.

[...]

In much the same way, our modern liberals exist in a world in which they have suspended disbelief in the ideological fantasies they have been indoctrinated with. Their ideology thus becomes immune to reality. The young creatives in our movement have actually popularized a very intelligent meme ridiculing this pernicious liberal trait: “No-one could have predicted that…” One could then complete the sentence with something like “…Black African migrants would do poorly in school and be highly prone to crime,” or “…Arab migrants would rape European women” The meme highlights that these behaviors are actually very predictable while also pouring scathing sarcasm on the real or feigned shock of liberals when such events occur.

[...]

Liberals have neglected to fully interrogate their own arguments because their entire ideology is built on the suspension of disbelief. They are capable of persisting in their delusion only because they ignore the patterns around them, sacrificing an understanding of ‘the plot’ for an emotionally exciting journey on the edge of their seats. The left-liberal existence is lived out on the ‘fun’ of pro-immigration rallies, the thrill of being morally righteous, and the equally emotionally heightened atmosphere of the candle-lit vigils that accompany the ‘shocks’ and ‘scares’ of the dreadful world they have helped to create. Much like that of a young child, theirs is an emotive world where adrenaline, novelty and stimulation are the most significant landmarks. It is a world where Antifa placards mingle with crocodile tears, in which ‘love’ can overcome physical realities and genetic limitations, in which pop concerts can reverse famines, and in which the only enemy is that amorphous but ever-present ideological bogeyman — ‘hate.’

The husband of Jo Cox has apparently urged everyone “to fight against the hate that killed her.” As far as soundbites go, few could be more attuned to the irrational spirit of modern liberalism. Liberalism, wallowing in the conceit that it is the last bastion of rationality, paradoxically imbues ‘hate’ with the same supernatural aura once reserved for poltergeists and demons. Mr Cox and his fellow liberals would do well to remember that ‘hate’ did not kill Jo Cox any more than it killed anyone at the Pulse nightclub. Men undertook these grim endeavors — human beings with social and ethnic connections and identities, grievances, agendas and interests. However, like a horror bogeyman, ‘hate’ is significantly less intellectually demanding and thus more appealing to ‘the scriptwriters’ who believe it is best not to have the audience think too much. Faced with ‘hate’ rather than three-dimensional individuals and ethnic groups, the childish liberal need not attempt to understand its history, its motivations, or even what it wants. It suffices to simply scream when it pops up.

[...]

We certainly weren’t informed by our liberal moral superiors that our failure to provide financial benefits as well as living space to these settlers would result in destruction, violence, and murder on our streets. Instead, chattering liberals claimed ‘shock’ that the new houses didn’t build themselves, that an incoherent thug represented a poor option for employment in an industrial nation, and that their beloved refugees brought with them vice, crime, disease and more than enough of their own home-grown prejudices.

Just as viewers of horror movies can be kept on the edge of their seats, so can they also be deeply misled. Although they may still be spooked along the way, viewers can possess a smug satisfaction that they have the plot figured out entirely, ignorant of the final twist that ultimately looms on the horizon. In the same way, and in marked contrast to responses to events in Orlando, liberals have adopted a smug and self-satisfied approach to the assassination of Jo Cox in Yorkshire.

[...]

I await the advent of a single piece of journalism suggesting that the violence of Thomas Mair was linked to economic deprivation, social isolation, or any other excuses that would have been tenderly laid at his feet had he possessed a little more melanin.

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          The Sermon on The Mount Ensconces The Golden Rule of Altruism

Majorityrights prefers to deal with verifiable reality as opposed to speculative theory and faith based systems of rules as we look after the interests of our people. We are looking after genetic groupings and genetic interests as key criteria, even if these are not the only important verifiable criteria to keep track of our peoplehood and that of others. Rationale and rule structures are another criteria for that purpose.

While existence is of course equiprimordial to genetic interests, to secure it for any span and legacy requires rationale and varying degrees of sophistication to negotiate complex rule structures of interaction. “Rules” (1) are the term of common currency that we will use for the logics of meaning and action that people use to negotiate interaction and these complex, protracted exchanges beyond episode, close personal relationships in yield to maturity of their full social system; and its relation to other social systems.

For those of us who are coming from this kind of perspective, where we perceive ourselves as rationally and empirically grounded, it is difficult to understand someone like pastor David Blackburn, his love of Jesus that would have him not only forgive, but want to share his love of Jesus with the men who raped and murdered his wife and unborn child; but to my knowledge, he is at least not hoping to get them released from prison.

It is even more difficult to understand European peoples allowing, even welcoming foreign incursions into The U.K., Sweden, France and Germany - it is difficult to fathom the mindset of a Merkel, who would destroy our European peoples in service to non-Europeans. But there is one rule, convoluted rule, that they have in common and makes their position intelligible to us despite their apparent irrationality.

The Golden Rule is a part of the Sermon on the Mount, which is a central text in the Christian faith. It states: “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you”. There are similar instructions in many other cultures.

Despite receiving high respect and wide popularity, the rule raises critical questions. What is the recommendation more exactly, and is it good advice?

This post will prepare a discussion of the work of Jan Tullberg - viz., the difference between the golden rule of benevolence as opposed to the silver rule of reciprocity - as it applies to assist in the reconstruction of a necessary consensus of moral rules among European peoples and for coordinating our relations to others.
____________

There is a consensus among advocates of European peoples that in essence we seek to secure the existence of our people. There is much dispute over how that is to be done…

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There is an absurd and detrimental habit of thought among WN who would draw the line of race too narrowly, snobbishly, and among those who would find weakening our defense convenient, that Sicilians are not White or are heavily mixed with blacks

I have long advised against romanticized images of the Italian Mafia as portrayed in the legacy media. These are not organizations based on honor and family, as that media depicts, but rather criminal organizations based on money facilitated through treachery - these have not been organizations for our racial defense as we White Nationalists might hope.

In an irony, however, now that the immigration invasion has brought with it waves of African organized crime as well, suddenly the Cosa Nostra is forced to act in defense of its turf in racial terms - and just as suddenly, the legacy media condemns it, the Italian Mafia, as the problem in that interface - not the immigration invasion, not the organized crime that it brings. Needless to say, the legacy media does not express hope that Mafia will be of some good to the defense of our blood and soil.

In truth, Italian Mafia hasn’t been especially good to Italian and European blood and soil. We can hope that the immigration invasion will force them to change that but to date there has been little to show in the way of honor from Italian Mafia: The Mafia of Campania, known as the Camorra, is hardly an organization which has prioritized Italian let alone other European blood and soil. They have been cooperating with Nigerian organized crime to spread Nigerian prostitutes all over Italy - an ugly blight that can be seen on the side of Italy’s highways. They have gone against tradition, trafficking in heroine and other narcotics. They have taken hostage of Italian businesses to wreak havoc with the economy and possibilities of free enterprise. In one hideous example, having taken over the waste disposal business, they’ve merely dumped toxic waste on the Italian habitat - once productive local farms have been destroyed; a fact that can be proved by science; but these wastelands are readily perceived by the senses, the sight and smell of vast areas strewn with and beset with mounds of unnatural garbage and stench.

An unnatural stench emanates in Sicily as well, one of sulfur, around the garbage strewn and oil refinery lined parameters of Archimedes ancient home of Siracusa - where the Cosa Nostra has control in the oil refining industry.

However, with the aura of Mafia, inter-Italian rivalry, murder and background terror, there has been an apparent consolation - perhaps with the help of that background of corruption and terror, foreign incursions were held somewhat at bay - there is only so much use that foreigners can be put to and only so many of them that are needed to do it. After a certain amount they become a threat to anybody, including Sicilian mafia interests. That limiting condition would act to protect the genotype of Sicilians from overwhelming infiltration. In the foreground of terror, despite all urban legends of Sicilians being “part black”, with inborn, ineducable aggression, they are vindicated of these ignorant attributions by anybody who takes time to observe them - a knowledgeable, considerate, European, White people.

Sicily, like the rest of Southern Italy, has that reputation of background terror which serves to instill a sense that you should be on best behavior with regard to traditions, the local people and potential transgression. In the year total that I spent in Italy and Sicily between 1996 and 1998, I observed in Italians a model European treatment of the Africans who were there. Africans were not walking around in three piece suits with attache cases as you’d see in Paris. Rather, they were allowed to vend an approved array of trinkets and accessories on the streets, with no sign that they could be mistaken for people integrated with Italians - the idea of mistaking them with Sicilians is laughable. If they remained on the street after 10:00p.m. they would be rounded up by baton wielding police, put into paddy wagons and taken away. If Europeans had to host Africans whatsoever, Italians provided a model of how it might be done to keep them in their place.

That protected the EGI from interracial imposition to a large extent. That protection was buttressed also by the reality of a deserved reputation that Italian men have of being very jealous of their women.

Nevertheless, so long as blacks are in your country at all they are a threat; with the aid and force of PC being what it is, they will make their way through cracks in a racial defense system. While Italian mafia and other men were perhaps busy fighting each other or trying to make money, I would always see two or three interracial couples (pretty Italian woman, Negro male) in just about all sizeable cities that I made my way through in Sicily and Campania - even some not so sizeable ones: a few came into my father’s family village during a feast.

Most disturbing to me was the fact that despite the Italian reputation, with few exceptions, I was the only one doing the Italian thing of expressing my indignation and trying to say or do anything about these pairings - and I was the only one who was likely to have any trouble for it. Thus, to get away from the provocation and agitation - with it the rage of mine difficult to control on the front line of racial defense - was a large reason why I opted to live in Poland instead, comfortably ensconced as White and removed from looming threat.

However, I did not leave Sicily before speaking to Cosa Nostra. I told them, urgently, in trance, to stop fighting, destroying and killing each other Italians. I pleaded with them to defend themselves as Italians and Europe; I tugged at the rib of the Godmother; I believe that she heard il Padrino speak through me. Let us hope so, if not pray for that.

The roots of the word and in fact the original purpose of Mafia was in “a wall” to surround and protect the Italian family - at the onset of its organization the threat was from Spanish invasions. However, Sicilians have a deep history of defending against all manner of invasion - including of course from Islam. While the pervasive sounds of church bells rang through the noontime air of Agrigento in a way that might have intimidated Islam at one time, the locals there were the ones who told me that the most critical facilitator in the immigration problem (yes, it was already bad enough in 1998) now is this religion itself - Christianity.

I found that the Sicilians are deep - much deeper than Christianity.

By contrast to the wishes of legacy media, the DM, the cuck mayor of Palermo that the DM presents as an exemplary anti-racist White man, let us hope indeed that they heard il Padrino; that the Mafia will be of some good, and express its true honor, to be that wall, and to help protect the EGI of Italy and the rest of Europe - by means of terror if need be.

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Click the image for a video of Bill Clinton presenting his usual stump on behalf of Hillary to a synagogue audience in Illinois.

The “inclusive, inclusive, inclusive” bit was frightening in the 1990s, when he was running for President, because “inclusive” can be a good concept when applied within a legitimate classification; and at the time there was more chance that it could have been honestly mistaken as if that’s what he meant; and not heard as what he actually means, which is the Jewish “inclusive” - a hyper-liberal inclusiveness that would include everybody [and he does emphasize everybody] - people formerly from without of a racial classification and formerly outside of the nation. This paradoxical “inclusiveness” would ultimately dissolve the classification, the nation, the people, the tribe altogether - viz., it would dissolve the very thing to be included-in.

It would dissolved to a vague catch-all category of undifferentiated gentile others; while one tribe would maintain its distinction, of course.

In 2016 it sounds less frightening than totally absurd given the floods of immigration into The U.S. and Europe. This audience in the synagogue reacts only with applause either because they are completely blind to the fact that they are being herded, thinking that they can maintain their Jewish sanctioned activist distinctions indefinitely, or because they are in on the joke.

Their biggest applause are reserved for when Bill says that what he is most proud of is that Hillary distinguishes herself from the other candidates by more fervently denouncing prejudice against Muslim Americans (following the Noachide laws apparently being good enough to qualify people for inclusion as Americans). Bill concludes by rubbing his hands together with the audience over the prospect (given Scalia’s death) of Hillary putting through another “Justice” just as good as the one that he put on the Court -

Bill literally wept before America, so moved as he was when his nominee had ascended to The Supreme Court.

     
(Doug Mills/Associated Press)

Among Chief Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s first statements was to maintain her long standing conviction as a “civil rights” advocate that nobody should be discriminated against on the basis of immutable characteristics.

European peoples, the time for being alarmed or despairing over this has long since passed. The neo-liberal complicity with the Jewish notion of “including ‘marginals” is, as I have said in several places, a paradoxical notion of “inclusion” that they have put together with an inverted notion of “marginals” - a notion of “marginals” by which they mean not marginals, as that would imply those who are just within our boundaries but being pushed to the side and ultimately outside - they mean rather taking in those from without.

With the flooding incursion of migrants and the chutzpah of this inclusion rhetoric absurdly unabated, it is time to see all of this for what it is and to organize as Whites/Native Europeans - maintaining our important distinctions and bounds as they provide accountability and serve our human ecologies, sure; but recognizing that we must coordinate our defense with overall organization as European peoples.

We are under attack for that reason in essence, no matter where or what we might take recourse to in lieu of defending ourselves on that basis. Wherever we are, we are in need of a union, unions and coordination of defense based on our most precious and essential bond - that is our DNA.

Europeans can no longer afford to tarry uncritically with those who would proceed with the modernist bastard child that is universal principles and rights, nor cater to those who would attempt to “save us” with neo-traditional re-organizations under the anachronistic rubric and poison rule structures of “Christendom.”

These aren’t surrogates for our DNA and biology - in lieu of that rather, they are midwives to the birthing of pan-mixia and our genocide.

Picture a cartoon illustration here that I had to take down due to EU law. Its title reads “Jews, Musilims, Christians.” Beneath that title it shows the identical happy self hand clasping merchant three times - their only being dressed differently and having slightly different skin tone - the obvious implication being that there is no important difference. There is a sarcastic sub-title: “know the difference, it could save your nation” and a conclusive line, “Semitic Religion, not even once.” Which is the same as saying, Abrahamic religion, not even once.

The time has also passed to be surprised or despair at how the all too kosher Merkel will act quite similarly with regard to our borders on the European end, and how the Noachide sheep will react to those who would oppose her - marking little difference between Europeans in America or here in Europe, as they continue to operate under the same neo-liberal rule structures and Noachide law. The time is now to wrest and forge our rule structure anew in organization and activism of the White Class.